<h2><SPAN name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></SPAN>CHAPTER VI</h2>
<h3>FUSION OF DEMOCRATS AND REPUBLICANS IN THE STATE ELECTION OF 1873. REPUBLICAN VICTORY</h3>
<p>An important election was to be held in Mississippi in 1873, at which
State, district, and county officers, as well as members of the
Legislature, were to be elected. The tenure of office for the State and
county officers was four years. 1873, therefore, was the year in which
the successors of those that had held office since 1869 had to be
elected.</p>
<p>The legislature to be elected that year would elect the successor of
Senator Ames as United States Senator. Senator Ames was the candidate
named to succeed himself. For some unaccountable reason there had been a
falling out between Senator Alcorn and himself, for which reason Senator
Alcorn decided to use his influence to prevent the reëlection of Senator
Ames. This meant that there would be a bitter factional fight in the
party, because both Senators were popular with the rank and file of the
party.</p>
<p>The fact was soon developed, however, that the people favored the return
of Senator Ames to the Senate. This did not necessarily mean opposition
or unfriendliness to Senator Alcorn. It simply meant that both were to
be treated fairly and justly, and that each was to stand upon his own
record and merits, regardless of their personal differences.</p>
<p>If Senator Alcorn had been in Senator Ames' place the probabilities are
that the sentiment of the party would have been just as strongly in his
favor as it was at that time in favor of Ames. But on this occasion
Senator Alcorn made the mistake of making opposition to Senator Ames the
test of loyalty to himself. In this he was not supported even by many of
his warmest personal and political friends. In consequence of the bitter
fight that was to be made by Senator Alcorn to prevent the return of
Senator Ames to the Senate, many of Senator Ames' friends advised him to
become a candidate for the office of Governor. In that way, it was
believed, he could command the situation, and thus make sure his
election to succeed himself as Senator; otherwise it might be doubtful.</p>
<p>But this involved two important points which had to be carefully
considered. First, it involved the retirement of Governor Powers, who
was a candidate to succeed himself. Second, the candidate for
Lieutenant-Governor would have to be selected with great care, since if
that program were carried out he would be, in point of fact, the
Governor of the State for practically the whole term.</p>
<p>After going over the situation very carefully with his friends and
supporters Senator Ames decided to become a candidate for Governor,
public announcement of which decision was duly made. This announcement
seemed to have increased the intensity of Senator Alcorn's opposition to
Senator Ames, for the former did not hesitate to declare that in the
event of Ames' nomination for Governor by the regular party convention
he would bolt the action of the convention, and make the race for
Governor as an independent candidate. This declaration, however, made no
impression upon the friends and supporters of Ames, and evidently had
very little effect upon the rank and file of the party; for the fact
became apparent shortly after the announcement of the candidacy of Ames
that his nomination was a foregone conclusion. In fact, Senator Ames had
such a strong hold upon the rank and file of the party throughout the
State that when the convention met there was practically no opposition
to his nomination. The friends and supporters of Governor Powers
realized early in the campaign the hopelessness of the situation, so far
as he was concerned, and therefore made no serious effort in his behalf.</p>
<p>What gave the Ames managers more concern than anything else was the
selection of a suitable man for Lieutenant-Governor. Many of the colored
delegates insisted that three of the seven men to be nominated should
be of that race. The offices they insisted on filling were those of
Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary of State, and Superintendent of
Education. Since the colored men had been particularly loyal and
faithful to Senator Ames it was not deemed wise to ignore their demands.
But the question was, Where is there a colored man possessing the
qualifications necessary to one in charge of the executive department of
the state?</p>
<p>After going over the field very carefully it was decided that there was
just one man possessing the necessary qualifications,—B.K. Bruce, of
Bolivar County. He, it was decided, was just the man for the place, and
to him the nomination was to be tendered. A committee was appointed to
wait on Mr. Bruce and inform him of the action of the conference, and
urge him to consent to the use of his name. But Mr. Bruce positively
declined. He could not be induced under any circumstances to change his
mind. He was fixed in his determination not to allow his name to be used
for the office of Lieutenant-Governor, and from that determination he
could not be moved.</p>
<p>Mr. Bruce's unexpected attitude necessitated a radical change in the
entire program. It had been agreed that the Lieutenant-Governorship
should go to a colored man, but after Brace's declination the Ames
managers were obliged to take one of two men,—H.C. Carter, or A.K.
Davis. Davis was the more acceptable of the two; but neither, it was
thought, was a fit and suitable man to be placed at the head of the
executive department of the State. After again going over the field, and
after canvassing the situation very carefully, it was decided that Ames
would not be a candidate to succeed himself as United States Senator,
but that he would be a candidate to succeed Senator Alcorn. This
decision, in all probability, would not have been made if Alcorn had
been willing to abide by the decision of the convention. But, since he
announced his determination to bolt the nomination of his party for
Governor and run as an Independent candidate, it was decided that he had
forfeited any claim he otherwise would have had upon the party to
succeed himself in the Senate. Senator Alcorn's term would expire March
4, 1877. His successor would be elected by the Legislature that would be
chosen in November, 1875. If Ames should be elected to the Governorship
his successor in that office would be elected in November, 1877. In the
event of his election to the Senate to succeed Senator Alcorn, his term
as Senator would commence March 4, 1877, yet he could remain in the
office of Governor until the meeting of Congress the following December,
thus practically serving out the full term as Governor.</p>
<p>With that plan mapped out and agreed upon, and the party leaders
committed to its support, Davis was allowed to be nominated for the
office of Lieutenant-Governor. Two other colored men were also placed
upon the State ticket,—James Hill, for Secretary of State, and T.W.
Cardozo, for State Superintendent of Education. While Davis had made
quite a creditable record as a member of the Legislature, it could not
be said that his name added strength to the ticket. Hill, on the other
hand, was young, active, and aggressive, and considerably above the
average colored man in point of intelligence at that time. His
nomination was favorably received, because it was generally believed
that, if elected, he would discharge the duties of the office in a way
that would reflect credit upon himself and give satisfaction to the
public. In point of education and experience Cardozo was admitted to be
entirely capable of filling the office of Superintendent of Education;
but he was not well known outside of his own county, Warren. In fact his
nomination was largely a concession to that strong Republican county.</p>
<p>The three white men nominated,—besides the candidate for
Governor,—were, W.H. Gibbs, for Auditor of Public Accounts; Geo. E.
Harris, for Attorney-General, and Geo. H. Holland, for State Treasurer.
Gibbs had been a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1868, and
subsequently a member of the State Senate. Holland had served as a
member of the Legislature from Oktibbeha County. Harris had been a
member of Congress from the Second (Holly Springs) District, having been
defeated for the nomination in 1872 by A.R. Howe, of Panola County.
While the ticket, as a whole, was not a weak one, its principal strength
was in its head,—the candidate for Governor.</p>
<p>Shortly after the adjournment of the convention Senator Alcorn had
another convention called which nominated a ticket, composed exclusively
of Republicans, with himself at its head for Governor. The Democrats at
their convention endorsed the Alcorn ticket. While it would seem that
this action on the part of the Democrats ought to have increased
Alcorn's chances of success, it appears to have been a contributory
cause of his defeat. Thousands of Republicans who were in sympathy with
the movement, and who would have otherwise voted the Alcorn ticket,
refused to do so for the reason that if it had been elected the
Democrats could have claimed a victory for their party. On the other
hand, both tickets being composed exclusively of Republicans, thousands
of Democrats refused to vote for either, while some of them voted the
Ames ticket. At any rate the election resulted in the success of the
Ames ticket by a majority of more than twenty thousand. The regular
Republicans also had a large majority in both branches of the
Legislature.</p>
<p class="center"><ANTIMG src="images/gs0332.jpg" width-obs='561' height-obs='700' alt="HON. B.K. BRUCE United States Senator, 1875-1881" /></p>
<hr />
<h2><SPAN name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></SPAN>CHAPTER VII</h2>
<h3>MISSISSIPPI SENDS B.K. BRUCE TO THE UNITED STATES SENATE</h3>
<p>As soon as the result of the election was known, the candidacy of B.K.
Bruce, for United States Senator to succeed Senator Ames, was announced.
Ames' term as Governor was to commence the first Monday in January,
1874. His term as Senator would expire March 4, 1875. Upon assuming the
duties of Governor he had been obliged to tender his resignation as
Senator; thus it devolved upon the incoming legislature to elect a
Senator to serve out the unexpired term, as well as for the full term of
six years. Bruce's candidacy was for the full term.</p>
<p>The secret of Mr. Bruce's positive refusal to allow his name to be used
for the Lieutenant-Governorship, which would have resulted in making him
Governor, was now revealed. He had had the Senatorship in mind at the
time, but, of course, no allusion was made to that fact. As between the
Senatorship and the Governorship he chose the former, which proved to be
a wise decision, in view of subsequent events. It was soon developed
that he was the choice of a large majority of the Republican members of
the Legislature, white as well as colored. His nomination by the party
caucus, therefore, was a foregone conclusion. Before the legislature
met, it had been practically settled that Mr. Bruce should be sent to
the Senate for the long term and Ex-Superintendant of Education, H.R.
Pease, should be elected to serve out the unexpired term of
Governor-elect Ames.</p>
<p>This slate was approved by the joint legislative caucus without a hitch
and the candidates thus nominated were duly elected by the
Legislature,—not only by the solid Republican vote of that body, but
the additional vote of State Senator Hiram Cassidy, Jr., who had been
elected as a Democrat.</p>
<p>Senator Alcorn's keen disappointment and chagrin at the outcome of his
fight with Governor Ames was manifested when Senator Bruce made his
appearance to be sworn in as a Senator. It was presumed that Senator
Alcorn, in accordance with the uniform custom on such occasions, would
escort his colleague to the desk of the President of the Senate to be
sworn in. This Senator Alcorn refused to do. When Mr. Bruce's name was
called Senator Alcorn did not move; he remained in his seat, apparently
giving his attention to his private correspondence. Mr. Bruce, somewhat
nervous and slightly excited, started to the President's desk
unattended. Senator Roscoe Conkling, of New York, who was sitting near
by, immediately rose and extended his arm to Mr. Bruce and escorted him
to the President's desk, standing by the new Senator's side until the
oath had been administered, and then tendering him his hearty
congratulations, in which all the other Republican Senators, except
Senator Alcorn, subsequently joined.</p>
<p>This gracious act on the part of the New York Senator made for him a
lifelong friend and admirer in the person of Senator Bruce. This
friendship was so strong that Senator Bruce named his first and only son
Roscoe Conkling, in honor of the able, distinguished, and gallant
Senator from New York.</p>
<p>Senator Alcorn's action in this matter was the occasion of considerable
unfavorable criticism and comment, some of his critics going so far as
to intimate that his action was due to the fact that Mr. Bruce was a
colored man. But, from my knowledge of the man and of the circumstances
connected with the case, I am satisfied this was not true. His antipathy
to Mr. Bruce grew out of the fact that Mr. Bruce had opposed him and had
supported Ames in the fight for Governor in 1873.</p>
<p>So far as I have been able to learn, I am the only one of the Senator's
friends and admirers who opposed his course in that contest that he ever
forgave. He, no doubt, felt that I was under less personal obligations
to him than many others who pursued the same course that I did, since
he had never rendered me any effective personal or political service,
except when he brought the Independent members of the House in line for
me in the contest for Speaker of that body in 1872; and even then his
action was not so much a matter of personal friendship for me as it was
in the interest of securing an endorsement of his own administration as
Governor.</p>
<p>In Mr. Bruce's case he took an entirely different view of the matter. He
believed that he had been the making of Mr. Bruce. Mr. Bruce had come to
the State in 1869 and had taken an active part in the campaign of that
year. When the Legislature was organized it was largely through the
influence of Governor Alcorn that he was elected Sergeant-at-arms of the
State Senate. When the Legislature adjourned Governor Alcorn sent Bruce
to Bolivar county as County Assessor. Bruce discharged the duties of
that office in such a creditable and satisfactory manner that he was
elected in 1871 Sheriff and Tax Collector of that important and wealthy
county, the most responsible and lucrative office in the gift of the
people of the county. He was holding that office when elected to the
United States Senate. Senator Alcorn felt, therefore, that in taking
sides against him and in favor of Ames in 1873 Mr. Bruce was guilty of
gross ingratitude. This accounted for his action in refusing to escort
Mr. Bruce to the President's desk to be sworn in as Senator. In this
belief, however, he did Mr. Bruce a grave injustice, for I know that
gratitude was one of Mr. Brace's principal characteristics. If Senator
Alcorn had been a candidate from the start for the Republican nomination
for Governor, Mr. Bruce, I am sure, would have supported him even as
against Senator Ames. But it was known that the Senator had no ambition
to be Governor. His sole purpose was to defeat Senator Ames at any cost,
and that, too, on account of matters that were purely personal and that
had no connection with party or political affairs. Mr. Bruce, like very
many other friends and admirers of the Senator, simply refused to follow
him in open rebellion against his own party. I am satisfied, however,
that Mr. Bruce's race identity did not influence the action of Senator
Alcorn in the slightest degree. As further evidence of that fact, his
position and action in the Pinchback case may be mentioned. He spoke and
voted for the admission of Mr. Pinchback to a seat in the Senate when
such a staunch Republican as Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, opposed and
voted against admission. In spite of Senator Alcorn's political defeat
and humiliation in his own State, he remained true and loyal to the
National Republican party to the end of his Senatorial term, which
terminated with the beginning of the Hayes Administration. Up to that
time he had strong hopes of the future of the Republican party at the
South.</p>
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