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<h3> CHAPTER 6. How Herod Slew Hyrcanus And Then Hasted Away To Caesar, And Obtained The Kingdom From Him Also; And How A Little Time Afterward, He Entertained Caesar In A Most Honorable Manner. </h3>
<p>1. Herod's other affairs were now very prosperous, and he was not to be
easily assaulted on any side. Yet did there come upon him a danger that
would hazard his entire dominions, after Antony had been beaten at the
battle of Actium by Caesar [Octarian]; for at that time both Herod's
enemies and friends despaired of his affairs, for it was not probable that
he would remain without punishment, who had showed so much friendship for
Antony. So it happened that his friends despaired, and had no hopes of his
escape; but for his enemies, they all outwardly appeared to be troubled at
his case, but were privately very glad of it, as hoping to obtain a change
for the better. As for Herod himself he saw that there was no one of royal
dignity left but Hyrcanus, and therefore he thought it would be for his
advantage not to suffer him to be an obstacle in his way any longer; for
that in case he himself survived, and escaped the danger he was in, he
thought it the safest way to put it out of the power of such a man to make
any attempt against him, at such junctures of affairs, as was more worthy
of the kingdom than himself; and in case he should be slain by Caesar, his
envy prompted him to desire to slay him that would otherwise be king after
him.</p>
<p>2. While Herod had these things in his mind, there was a certain occasion
afforded him: for Hyrcanus was of so mild a temper, both then and at other
times, that he desired not to meddle with public affairs, nor to concern
himself with innovations, but left all to fortune, and contented himself
with what that afforded him: but Alexandra [his daughter] was a lover of
strife, and was exceeding desirous of a change of the government, and
spake to her father not to bear for ever Herod's injurious treatment of
their family, but to anticipate their future hopes, as he safely might;
and desired him to write about these matters to Malchus, who was then
governor of Arabia, to receive them, and to secure them [from Herod], for
that if they went away, and Herod's affairs proved to be as it was likely
they would be, by reason of Caesar's enmity to him, they should then be
the only persons that could take the government; and this, both on account
of the royal family they were of, and on account of the good disposition
of: the multitude to them. While she used these persuasions, Hyrcanus put
off her suit; but as she showed that she was a woman, and a contentious
woman too, and would not desist either night or day, but would always be
speaking to him about these matters, and about Herod's treacherous
designs, she at last prevailed with him to intrust Dositheus, one of his
friends, with a letter, wherein his resolution was declared; and he
desired the Arabian governor to send to him some horsemen, who should
receive him, and conduct him to the lake Asphaltites, which is from the
bounds of Jerusalem three hundred furlongs: and he did therefore trust
Dositheus with this letter, because he was a careful attendant on him, and
on Alexandra, and had no small occasions to bear ill-will to Herod; for he
was a kinsman of one Joseph, whom he had slain, and a brother of those
that were formerly slain at Tyre by Antony: yet could not these motives
induce Dositheus to serve Hyrcanus in this affair; for, preferring the
hopes he had from the present king to those he had from him, he gave Herod
the letter. So he took his kindness in good part, and bid him besides do
what he had already done, that is, go on in serving him, by rolling up the
epistle and sealing it again, and delivering it to Malchus, and then to
bring back his letter in answer to it; for it would be much better if he
could know Malchus's intentions also. And when Dositheus was very ready to
serve him in this point also, the Arabian governor returned back for
answer, that he would receive Hyrcanus, and all that should come with him,
and even all the Jews that were of his party; that he would, moreover,
send forces sufficient to secure them in their journey; and that he should
be in no want of any thing he should desire. Now as soon as Herod had
received this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus, and questioned him
about the league he had made with Malchus; and when he denied it, he
showed his letter to the Sanhedrim, and put the man to death immediately.</p>
<p>3. And this account we give the reader, as it is contained in the
commentaries of king Herod: but other historians do not agree with them,
for they suppose that Herod did not find, but rather make, this an
occasion for thus putting him to death, and that by treacherously laying a
snare for him; for thus do they write: That Herod and he were once at a
treat, and that Herod had given no occasion to suspect [that he was
displeased at him], but put this question to Hyrcanus, Whether he had
received any letters from Malchus? and when he answered that he had
received letters, but those of salutation only; and when he asked further,
whether he had not received any presents from him? and when he had replied
that he had received no more than four horses to ride on, which Malchus
had sent him; they pretended that Herod charged these upon him as the
crimes of bribery and treason, and gave order that he should be led away
and slain. And in order to demonstrate that he had been guilty of no
offense, when he was thus brought to his end, they alleged how mild his
temper had been, and that even in his youth he had never given any
demonstration of boldness or rashness, and that the case was the same when
he came to be king, but that he even then committed the management of the
greatest part of public affairs to Antipater; and that he was now above
fourscore years old, and knew that Herod's government was in a secure
state. He also came over Euphrates, and left those who greatly honored him
beyond that river, though he were to be entirely under Herod's government;
and that it was a most incredible thing that he should enterprise any
thing by way of innovation, and not at all agreeable to his temper, but
that this was a plot of Herod's contrivance.</p>
<p>4. And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and thus did he end his life, after
he had endured various and manifold turns of fortune in his lifetime. For
he was made high priest of the Jewish nation in the beginning of his
mother Alexandra's reign, who held the government nine years; and when,
after his mother's death, he took the kingdom himself, and held it three
months, he lost it, by the means of his brother Aristobulus. He was then
restored by Pompey, and received all sorts of honor from him, and enjoyed
them forty years; but when he was again deprived by Antigonus, and was
maimed in his body, he was made a captive by the Parthians, and thence
returned home again after some time, on account of the hopes that Herod
had given him; none of which came to pass according to his expectation,
but he still conflicted with many misfortunes through the whole course of
his life; and, what was the heaviest calamity of all, as we have related
already, he came to an end which was undeserved by him. His character
appeared to be that of a man of a mild and moderate disposition, and
suffered the administration of affairs to be generally done by others
under him. He was averse to much meddling with the public, nor had
shrewdness enough to govern a kingdom. And both Antipater and Herod came
to their greatness by reason of his mildness; and at last he met with such
an end from them as was not agreeable either to justice or piety.</p>
<p>5. Now Herod, as soon as he had put Hyrcanus out of the way, made haste to
Caesar; and because he could not have any hopes of kindness from him, on
account of the friendship he had for Antony, he had a suspicion of
Alexandra, lest she should take this opportunity to bring the multitude to
a revolt, and introduce a sedition into the affairs of the kingdom; so he
committed the care of every thing to his brother Pheroras, and placed his
mother Cypros, and his sister [Salome], and the whole family at Masada,
and gave him a charge, that if he should hear any sad news about him, he
should take care of the government. But as to Mariamne his wife, because
of the misunderstanding between her and his sister, and his sister's
mother, which made it impossible for them to live together, he placed her
at Alexandrium, with Alexandra her mother, and left his treasurer Joseph
and Sohemus of Iturea to take care of that fortress. These two had been
very faithful to him from the beginning, and were now left as a guard to
the women. They also had it in charge, that if they should hear any
mischief had befallen him, they should kill them both, and, as far as they
were able, to preserve the kingdom for his sons, and for his brother
Pheroras.</p>
<p>6. When he had given them this charge, he made haste to Rhodes, to meet
Caesar; and when he had sailed to that city, he took off his diadem, but
remitted nothing else of his usual dignity. And when, upon his meeting
him, he desired that he would let him speak to him, he therein exhibited a
much more noble specimen of a great soul; for he did not betake himself to
supplications, as men usually do upon such occasions, nor offered him any
petition, as if he were an offender; but, after an undaunted manner, gave
an account of what he had done; for he spake thus to Caesar: That he had
the greatest friendship for Antony, and did every thing he could that he
might attain the government; that he was not indeed in the army with him,
because the Arabians had diverted him; but that he had sent him both money
and corn, which was but too little in comparison of what he ought to have
done for him; "for if a man owns himself to be another's friend, and knows
him to be a benefactor, he is obliged to hazard every thing, to use every
faculty of his soul, every member of his body, and all the wealth he hath,
for him, in which I confess I have been too deficient. However, I am
conscious to myself, that so far I have done right, that I have not
deserted him upon his defeat at Actium; nor upon the evident change of his
fortune have I transferred my hopes from him to another, but have
preserved myself, though not as a valuable fellow soldier, yet certainly
as a faithful counselor, to Antony, when I demonstrated to him that the
only way that he had to save himself, and not to lose all his authority,
was to slay Cleopatra; for when she was once dead, there would be room for
him to retain his authority, and rather to bring thee to make a
composition with him, than to continue at enmity any longer. None of which
advises would he attend to, but preferred his own rash resolution before
them, which have happened unprofitably for him, but profitably for thee.
Now, therefore, in case thou determinest about me, and my alacrity in
serving Antony, according to thy anger at him, I own there is no room for
me to deny what I have done, nor will I be ashamed to own, and that
publicly too, that I had a great kindness for him. But if thou wilt put
him out of the case, and only examine how I behave myself to my
benefactors in general, and what sort of friend I am, thou wilt find by
experience that we shall do and be the same to thyself, for it is but
changing the names, and the firmness of friendship that we shall bear to
thee will not be disapproved by thee."</p>
<p>7. By this speech, and by his behavior, which showed Caesar the frankness
of his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who was himself of a generous and
magnificent temper, insomuch that those very actions, which were the
foundation of the accusation against him, procured him Caesar's good-will.
Accordingly, he restored him his diadem again; and encouraged him to
exhibit himself as great a friend to himself as he had been to Antony, and
then had him in great esteem. Moreover, he added this, that Quintus Didius
had written to him that Herod had very readily assisted him in the affair
of the gladiators. So when he had obtained such a kind reception, and had,
beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to be more entirely and firmly
settled upon him than ever by Caesar's donation, as well as by that decree
of the Romans, which Caesar took care to procure for his greater security,
he conducted Caesar on his way to Egypt, and made presents, even beyond
his ability, to both him and his friends, and in general behaved himself
with great magnanimity. He also desired that Caesar would not put to death
one Alexander, who had been a companion of Antony; but Caesar had sworn to
put him to death, and so he could not obtain that his petition. And now he
returned to Judea again with greater honor and assurance than ever, and
affrighted those that had expectations to the contrary, as still acquiring
from his very dangers greater splendor than before, by the favor of God to
him. So he prepared for the reception of Caesar, as he was going out of
Syria to invade Egypt; and when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais
with all royal magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and
brought them provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of Caesar's
most cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode along with
Caesar, and had a hundred and fifty men, well appointed in all respects,
after a rich and sumptuous manner, for the better reception of him and his
friends. He also provided them with what they should want, as they passed
over the dry desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor water,
which last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of; and besides, he
presented Caesar with eight hundred talents, and procured to himself the
good-will of them all, because he was assisting to them in a much greater
and more splendid degree than the kingdom he had obtained could afford; by
which means he more and more demonstrated to Caesar the firmness of his
friendship, and his readiness to assist him; and what was of the greatest
advantage to him was this, that his liberality came at a seasonable time
also. And when they returned again out of Egypt, his assistances were no
way inferior to the good offices he had formerly done them.</p>
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