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<h2> CHAPTER IV. CHAMPLAIN IN THE WILDERNESS </h2>
<p>Champlain's journeyings with the Indians were the holiday of his life, for
at no other time was he so free to follow the bent of his genius. First
among the incentives which drew him to the wilderness was his ambition to
discover the pathway to China. In 1608 the St Lawrence had not been
explored beyond the Lachine Rapids, nor the Richelieu beyond Chambly—while
the Ottawa was known only by report. Beyond Lake St Louis stretched a
mysterious world, through the midst of which flowed the Great River. For
an explorer and a patriot the opportunity was priceless. The acquisition
of vast territory for the French crown, the enlargement of the trade zone,
the discovery of a route to Cathay, the prospect of Arcadian joys and
exciting adventures—beside such promptings hardship and danger
became negligible. And when exploring the wilderness Champlain was in full
command. Off the coast of Norumbega his wishes, as geographer, had been
subject to the special projects of De Monts and Poutrincourt. At
Fontainebleau he waited for weeks and months in the antechambers of
prelates or nobles. But when conducting an expedition through the forest
he was lord and master, a chieftain from whose arquebus flew winged death.</p>
<p>The story of Champlain's expeditions along these great secluded waterways,
and across the portages of the forest, makes the most agreeable page of
his life both for writer and reader, since it is here that he himself is
most clearly in the foreground. At no point can his narrative be thought
dull, compact as it is and always in touch with energetic action. But the
details of fur trading at Tadoussac and the Sault St Louis, or even of
voyaging along the Acadian seaboard, are far less absorbing than the tale
of the canoe and the war party. Amid the depths of the interior Champlain
reaped his richest experiences as an explorer. With the Indians for his
allies and enemies he reached his fullest stature as a leader.</p>
<p>It is not important to dwell upon the minor excursions which Champlain
made from his headquarters at Quebec into the country of the Montagnais.
[Footnote: An Algonquin tribe dwelling to the north of the St Lawrence,
for the most part between the Saguenay and the St Maurice.] He saw little
of the rocky northland which, with its myriad lakes and splendid streams,
sweeps from the St Lawrence to Hudson Bay. Southward and westward lay his
course to the cantons of the Iroquois south of Lake Ontario and the
villages of the Hurons north of Lake Simcoe. Above all, the expeditions of
1609, 1613, and 1615 are the central episodes of his work as an explorer,
each marked by a distinct motive and abounding with adventures. In 1609 he
discovered Lake Champlain and fought his first battle with the Iroquois.
In 1613 he was decoyed by a lying guide into a fruitless search for the
North-West Passage by the route of the Ottawa. In 1615 he discovered Lake
Huron, traversed what is now Central Ontario, and attacked the Iroquois in
the heart of their own country. These three journeys make the sum of
Champlain's achievements as a pioneer of the interior. For all three,
likewise, we have his own story, upon which all other versions are based
and from which they draw their most striking details.</p>
<p>The discovery of Lake Champlain had its root in Champlain's promise to the
Algonquins that he would aid them in their strife with the Iroquois. In
turn this promise was based upon the policy of conciliating those savage
tribes from whom the French derived their supply of furs, and with whom
throughout the St Lawrence basin they most constantly came in contact.</p>
<p>It was the year which followed the founding of Quebec. Of the twenty-eight
who entered upon the first winter eight only had survived, and half of
these were ailing. On June 5 relief came in the person of Des Marais, who
announced that his father-in-law, Pontgrave, was already at Tadoussac.
Champlain at once set out to meet him, and it was arranged that Pontgrave
should take charge of the settlement for the coming year, while Champlain
fulfilled his promise to aid the Algonquins in their war with the
Iroquois. The full plan required that Pontgrave should spend the winter in
Canada, while Champlain, after his summer campaign, was to return to
France with a report of his explorations.</p>
<p>The Indians had stated that the route to the land of the Iroquois was
easy, and Champlain's original design was to proceed in a shallop capable
of carrying twenty Frenchmen. Early in July he reached the mouth of the
Richelieu, but on arriving at Chambly he found it quite impossible to pass
the falls with his shallop. Either the expedition must be abandoned or the
plan be radically changed, with the consequence of incurring much greater
risks. To advance meant sending back the shallop with its crew and stores,
embarking in a canoe, and trusting wholly to the good faith of the
savages. The decision was not easy. 'I was much troubled,' says Champlain.
'And it gave me especial dissatisfaction to go back without seeing a very
large lake, filled with handsome islands and with large tracts of fine
land bordering on the lake, where their enemies lived, according to their
representations. After duly thinking over the matter I determined to go
and fulfil my promise and carry out my desire. Accordingly I embarked with
the savages in their canoes, taking with me two men, who went cheerfully.
After making known my plan to Des Marais and others in the shallop, I
requested the former to return to our settlement with the rest of our
company, giving them the assurance that in a short time, by God's grace, I
would return to them.'</p>
<p>Having convinced himself, Champlain was next forced to convince the
Indians, whose first impulse was to abandon the campaign when they found
that they would be accompanied by only three of the Frenchmen. Champlain's
firmness, however, communicated itself to them, and on July 12 they set
out from Chambly Basin to commence the portage. At the top of the rapid a
review of forces was held, and it proved that the Indians numbered sixty
men, equipped with twenty-four canoes. Advancing through a beautifully
wooded country, the little war-party encamped at a point not far below the
outlet of Lake Champlain, taking the precaution to protect themselves by a
rough fortification of tree trunks.</p>
<p>At this point Champlain introduces a graphic statement regarding the
methods which the Indians employ to guard against surprise. On three sides
they protect the camp by fallen trees, leaving the river-bank without a
barricade in order that they may take quickly to their canoes. Then, as
soon as the camp has been fortified, they send out nine picked men in
three canoes to reconnoitre for a distance of two or three leagues. But
before nightfall these scouts return, and then all lie down to sleep,
without leaving any pickets or sentries on duty. When Champlain
remonstrated with them for such gross carelessness, they replied that they
worked hard enough during the daytime. The normal formation of an Indian
war-party embraced three divisions—the scouts, the main body, and
the hunters, the last always remaining in the rear and chasing their game
in a direction from which they did not anticipate the appearance of the
enemy. Having arrived at a distance of two or three days' march from their
enemies, they united in a single party (save for the scouts) and advanced
stealthily by night. At this juncture their food became baked Indian meal
soaked in water. They hid by day and made no fire, save that required to
smoke their tobacco.</p>
<p>Thus does Champlain describe the savage as he is about to fall upon his
foe. He gives special prominence to the soothsayer, who on the eve of
battle enters into elaborate intercourse with the devil. Inside a wooden
hut the necromancer lies prostrate on the ground, motionless. Then he
springs to his feet and begins to torment himself, counterfeiting strange
tones to represent the speech of the devil, and carrying on violent antics
which leave him in a stream of perspiration. Outside the hut the Indians
sit round on their haunches like apes and fancy that they can see fire
proceeding from the roof, although the devil appears to the soothsayer in
the form of a stone. Finally, the chiefs, when they have by these means
learned that they will meet their enemy and kill a sufficient number,
arrange the order of battle. Sticks a foot long are taken, one for each
warrior, and these are laid out on a level place five or six feet square.
The leader then explains the order of battle, after which the warriors
substitute themselves for the sticks and go through the manoeuvres till
they can do them without confusion.</p>
<p>From this description of tactics we pass speedily to a story of real war.
Reaching Lake Champlain, the party skirted the western shore, with fine
views of the Green Mountains, on the summit of which Champlain mistook
white limestone for snow. On July 29, at Crown Point, the Iroquois were
encountered at about ten o'clock in the evening. Thus the first real
battle of French and Indians took place near that remarkable spot where
Lake Champlain and Lake George draw close together—the Ticonderoga
of Howe, the Carillon of Montcalm.</p>
<p>The Algonquins were in good courage, for, besides the muskets of the three
Frenchmen, they were inspired by a dream of Champlain that he had seen the
Iroquois drowning in a lake. As soon as the enemies saw each other, both
began to utter loud cries and make ready their weapons. The Algonquins
kept out on the water; the Iroquois went ashore and built a barricade.
When the Algonquins had made ready for battle</p>
<p>they dispatched two canoes to the enemy to inquire if<br/>
they wished to fight, to which the latter replied that<br/>
they wished nothing else; but they said that at present<br/>
there was not much light, and that it would be necessary<br/>
to wait for day so as to be able to recognize each<br/>
other; and that as soon as the sun rose they would<br/>
offer us battle. This was agreed to by our side.<br/>
Meanwhile the entire night was spent in dancing and<br/>
singing, on both sides, with endless insults and other<br/>
talk; as how little courage we had, how feeble a<br/>
resistance we should make against their arms, and that<br/>
when day came we should realize it to our ruin. Ours<br/>
also were not slow in retorting, telling them that<br/>
they would see such execution of arms as never before,<br/>
together with an abundance of such talk as is not<br/>
unusual in the siege of a town.<br/></p>
<p>Care had been taken by the Algonquins that the presence of Champlain and
his two companions should come to the Iroquois as a complete surprise.
Each of the Frenchmen was in a separate canoe, convoyed by the Montagnais.
At daylight each put on light armour and, armed with an arquebus, went
ashore. Champlain was near enough the barricade to see nearly two hundred
Iroquois, 'stout and rugged in appearance. They came at a slow pace
towards us, with a dignity and assurance which greatly impressed me,
having three chiefs at their head.' Champlain, when urged by his allies to
make sure of killing the three chiefs, replied that he would do his best,
and that in any case he would show them his courage and goodwill.</p>
<p>Then began the fight, which must be described in Champlain's own words,
for in all his writings there is no more famous passage.</p>
<p>As soon as we had landed, they began to run for some<br/>
two hundred paces towards their enemies, who stood<br/>
firmly, not having as yet noticed my companions, who<br/>
went into the woods with some savages. Our men began<br/>
to call me with loud cries; and in order to give me<br/>
a passage way they opened in two parts and put me at<br/>
their head, where I marched some twenty paces in<br/>
advance of the rest, until I was within about twenty<br/>
paces of the enemy, who at once noticed me and, halting,<br/>
gazed at me, as I did also at them. When I saw them<br/>
make a move to fire at us, I rested my musket against<br/>
my cheek and aimed directly at one of the three chiefs.<br/>
With the same shot two fell to the ground; and one of<br/>
their men was so wounded that he died some time after.<br/>
I had loaded my musket with four balls. When our side<br/>
saw this shot so favourable for them, they began to<br/>
raise such loud cries that one could not have heard<br/>
it thunder. Meanwhile the arrows flew on both sides.<br/>
The Iroquois were greatly astonished that two men had<br/>
been so quickly killed, although they were equipped<br/>
with armour woven from cotton thread and with wood<br/>
which was proof against their arrows. This caused<br/>
great alarm among them. As I was loading again, one<br/>
of my companions fired a shot from the woods, which<br/>
astonished them anew to such a degree that, seeing<br/>
their chiefs dead, they lost courage and took to<br/>
flight, abandoning their camp and fort and fleeing<br/>
into the woods, whither I pursued them, killing still<br/>
more of them. Our savages also killed several of them<br/>
and took ten or twelve prisoners. The remainder escaped<br/>
with the wounded. Fifteen or sixteen were wounded on<br/>
our side with arrow shots, but they were soon healed.<br/></p>
<p>The spoils of victory included a large quantity of Indian corn, together
with a certain amount of meal, and also some of the native armour which
the Iroquois had thrown away in order to effect their escape. Then
followed a feast and the torture of one of the prisoners, whose sufferings
were mercifully concluded by a ball from Champlain's musket, delivered in
such wise that the unfortunate did not see the shot. Like Montcalm and
other French commanders of a later date, Champlain found it impossible to
curb wholly the passions of his savage allies. In this case his
remonstrances had the effect of gaining for the victim a coup de grace—which
may be taken as a measure of Champlain's prestige. The atrocious savagery
practised before and after death is described in full detail. Champlain
concludes the lurid picture as follows: 'This is the manner in which these
people behave towards those whom they capture in war, for whom it would be
better to die fighting or to kill themselves on the spur of the moment, as
many do rather than fall into the hands of their enemies.'</p>
<p>Beyond the point at which this battle was fought Champlain did not go. At
Ticonderoga he was within eighty miles of the site of Albany. Had he
continued, he would have reached the Hudson from the north in the same
summer the Half Moon [Footnote: Henry Hudson, an English mariner with a
Dutch crew, entered the mouth of the Hudson in a boat called the Half Moon
on September 4, 1609. As named by him, the river was called the 'Great
North River of New Netherland.'] entered it from the mouth. But the
Algonquins were content with their victory, though they candidly stated
that there was an easy route from the south end of Lake George to 'a river
flowing into the sea on the Norumbega coast near that of Florida.' The
return to Quebec and Tadoussac was attended by no incident of moment. The
Montagnais, on parting with Champlain at Tadoussac, generously gave him
the head of an Iroquois and a pair of arms, with the request that they be
carried to the king of France. The Algonquins had already taken their
departure at Chambly, where, says Champlain, 'we separated with loud
protestations of mutual friendship. They asked me whether I would not like
to go into their country to assist them with continued fraternal
relations; and I promised that I would do so.'</p>
<p>As a contribution to geographical knowledge the expedition of 1609
disclosed the existence of a noble lake, to which Champlain fitly gave his
own name. Its dimensions he considerably over-estimated, but in all
essential respects its situation was correctly described, while his
comments on the flora and fauna are very interesting. The garpike as he
saw it, with amplifications from the Indians as they had seen it, gave him
the subject for a good fish story. He was deeply impressed, too, by the
richness of the vegetation. His attack on the Iroquois was not soon
forgotten by that relentless foe, and prepared a store of trouble for the
colony he founded. But the future was closed to his view, and for the
moment his was the glorious experience of being the first to gaze with
European eyes upon a lake fairer and grander than his own France could
show.</p>
<p>Four years elapsed before Champlain was enabled to plunge once more into
the depths of the forest—this time only to meet with the severest
disappointment of his life. Much has been said already regarding his
ambition to discover a short route to Cathay. This was the great prize for
which he would have sacrificed everything save loyalty to the king and
duty to the church. For a moment he seemed on the point of gaining it.
Then the truth was brutally disclosed, and he found that he had been
wilfully deceived by an impostor.</p>
<p>It was a feature of Champlain's policy that from time to time French
youths should spend the winter with the Indians—hunting with them,
living in their settlements, exploring their country, and learning their
language. Of Frenchmen thus trained to woodcraft during Champlain's
lifetime the most notable were Etienne Brule, Nicolas Vignau, Nicolas
Marsolet, and Jean Nicolet. Unfortunately the three first did not leave an
unclouded record. Brule, after becoming a most accomplished guide, turned
traitor and aided the English in 1629. Champlain accuses Marsolet of a
like disloyalty. [Footnote: Marsolet's defence was that he acted under
constraint.] Vignau, with more imagination, stands on the roll of fame as
a frank impostor.</p>
<p>Champlain, as we have seen, spent the whole of 1612 in France, and it was
at this time that Vignau appeared in Paris with a tale which could not but
kindle excitement in the heart of an explorer. The basis of fact was that
Vignau had undoubtedly passed the preceding winter with the Algonquins on
the Ottawa. The fable which was built upon this fact can best be told in
Champlain's own words.</p>
<p>He reported to me, on his return to Paris in 1612,<br/>
that he had seen the North Sea; that the river of the<br/>
Algonquins [the Ottawa] came from a lake which emptied<br/>
into it; and that in seventeen days one could go from<br/>
the Falls of St Louis to this sea and back again; that<br/>
he had seen the wreck and debris of an English ship<br/>
that had been wrecked, on board of which were eighty<br/>
men who had escaped to the shore, and whom the savages<br/>
killed because the English endeavoured to take from<br/>
them by force their Indian corn and other necessaries<br/>
of life; and that he had seen the scalps which these<br/>
savages had flayed off, according to their custom,<br/>
which they would show me, and that they would likewise<br/>
give me an English boy whom they had kept for me. This<br/>
intelligence greatly pleased me, for I thought that<br/>
I had almost found that for which I had for a long<br/>
time been searching.<br/></p>
<p>Champlain makes it clear that he did not credit Vignau's tale with the
simple credulity of a man who has never been to sea. He caused Vignau to
swear to its truth at La Rochelle before two notaries. He stipulated that
Vignau should go with him over the whole route. Finally, as they were on
the point of sailing together for Canada in the spring of 1613, he once
more adjured Vignau in the presence of distinguished witnesses, saying
'that if what he had previously said was not true, he must not give me the
trouble to undertake the journey, which involved many dangers. Again he
affirmed all that he had said, on peril of his life.'</p>
<p>After taking these multiplied precautions against deceit, Champlain left
the Sault St Louis on May 29, 1613, attended by four Frenchmen and one
Indian, with Vignau for guide. Ascending the Ottawa, they encountered
their first difficulties at the Long Sault, where Dollard forty-seven
years later was to lose his life so gloriously. Here the passage of the
rapids was both fatiguing and dangerous. Prevented by the density of the
wood from making a portage, they were forced to drag their canoes through
the water. In one of the eddies Champlain nearly lost his life, and his
hand was severely hurt by a sudden jerk of the rope. Having mounted the
rapids, he met with no very trying obstacle until he had gone some
distance past the Chaudiere Falls. His reference to the course of the
Gatineau makes no sense, and Laverdiere has had recourse to the not
improbable conjecture that the printer dropped out a whole line at this
point. Champlain also over-estimates considerably the height of the Rideau
Falls and is not very exact in his calculation of latitude.</p>
<p>The hardships of this journey were greatly and unnecessarily increased by
Vignau, whose only hope was to discourage his leader. In. the end it
proved that 'our liar' (as Champlain repeatedly calls him) had hoped to
secure a reward for his alleged discovery, believing that no one would
follow him long, even if an attempt were made to confirm the accuracy of
his report. But Champlain, undeterred by portages and mosquitoes, kept on.
Some savages who joined him said that Vignau was a liar, and on their
advice Champlain left the Ottawa a short distance above the mouth of the
Madawaska. Holding westward at some distance from the south shore, he
advanced past Muskrat Lake, and after a hard march came out again on the
Ottawa at Lake Allumette.</p>
<p>This was the end of Champlain's route in 1613. From the Algonquins on
Allumette Island he learned that Vignau had wintered with them at the time
he swore he was discovering salt seas. Finally, the impostor confessed his
fraud and, falling on his knees, asked for mercy. The Indians would gladly
have killed him outright, but Champlain spared his life, though how deeply
he was moved can be seen from these words: 'Overcome with wrath I had him
removed, being unable to endure him any longer in my presence.' After his
confession there was nothing for it but to return by the same route. An
astrolabe found some years ago near Muskrat Lake may have been dropped
from Champlain's luggage on the journey westward, though he does not
mention the loss.</p>
<p>Apart from disclosing the course of the Ottawa, the Voyage of 1613 is
chiefly notable for its account of Indian customs—for example, the
mode of sepulture, the tabagie or feast, and the superstition which leads
the Algonquins to throw pieces of tobacco into the cauldron of the
Chaudiere Falls as a means of ensuring protection against their enemies.
Of the feast given him by Tessouat, an Algonquin chief, Champlain says:</p>
<p>The next day all the guests came, each with his<br/>
porringer and wooden spoon. They seated themselves<br/>
without order or ceremony on the ground in the cabin<br/>
of Tessouat, who distributed to them a kind of broth<br/>
made of maize crushed between two stones, together<br/>
with meat and fish which was cut into little pieces,<br/>
the whole being boiled together without salt. They<br/>
also had meat roasted on the coals and fish boiled<br/>
apart, which he also distributed. In respect to myself,<br/>
as I did not wish any of their chowder, which they<br/>
prepare in a very dirty manner, I asked them for some<br/>
fish and meat, that I might prepare it my own way,<br/>
which they gave me. For drink we had fine, clear water.<br/>
Tessouat, who gave the tabagie, entertained us without<br/>
eating himself, according to their custom.<br/>
<br/>
The tabagie being over, the young men, who are not<br/>
present at the harangues and councils, and who during<br/>
the tabagie remain at the door of the cabins, withdrew,<br/>
when all who remained began to fill their pipes, one<br/>
and another offering me one. We then spent a full<br/>
half-hour in this occupation, not a word being spoken,<br/>
as is their custom.<br/></p>
<p>But for the dexterous arrangement by which Champlain managed to cook his
own food, the tabagie would have been more dangerous to health than the
portage. In any case, it was an ordeal that could not be avoided, for
feasting meant friendly intercourse, and only through friendly intercourse
could Champlain gain knowledge of that vast wilderness which he must
pierce before reaching his long-sought goal, the sea beyond which lay
China.</p>
<p>As for Vignau, his punishment was to make full confession before all the
French who had assembled at the Sault St Louis to traffic with the
Indians. When Champlain reached this rendezvous on June 17, he informed
the traders of all that had happened, including</p>
<p>the malice of my liar, at which they were greatly<br/>
amazed. I then begged them to assemble in order that<br/>
in their presence, and that of the savages and his<br/>
companions, he might make declaration of his<br/>
maliciousness; which they gladly did. Being thus<br/>
assembled, they summoned him and asked him why he had<br/>
not shown me the sea of the north, as he had promised<br/>
me at his departure. He replied that he had promised<br/>
something impossible for him, since he had never seen<br/>
the sea, and that the desire of making the journey<br/>
had led him to say what he did, also that he did not<br/>
suppose that I would undertake it; and he begged them<br/>
to be pleased to pardon him, as he also begged me<br/>
again, confessing that he had greatly offended, and<br/>
if I would leave him in the country he would by his<br/>
efforts repair the offence and see this sea, and bring<br/>
back trustworthy intelligence concerning it the<br/>
following year; and in view of certain considerations<br/>
I pardoned him on this condition.<br/></p>
<p>Vignau's public confession was followed by the annual barter with the
Indians, after which Champlain returned to France.</p>
<p>We come now to the Voyage of 1615, which describes Champlain's longest and
most daring journey through the forest—an expedition that occupied
the whole period from July 9, 1615, to the last days of June 1616. Thus
for the first time he passed a winter with the Indians, enlarging greatly
thereby his knowledge of their customs and character. The central incident
of the expedition was an attack made by the Hurons and their allies upon
the stronghold of the Onondagas in the heart of the Iroquois country. But
while this war-party furnishes the chief adventure, there is no page of
Champlain's narrative which lacks its tale of the marvellous. As a story
of life in the woods, the Voyage of 1615 stands first among all
Champlain's writings.</p>
<p>As in 1609, there was a mutuality of interest between Champlain and the
Indians who traded at the Sault. His desire was to explore and theirs was
to fight. By compromise they disclosed to him the recesses of their
country and he aided them against the Iroquois. In 1615 the Hurons not
only reminded him of his repeated promises to aid them, but stated flatly
that without such aid they could no longer attend the annual market, as
their enemies were making the route too unsafe. On their side they
promised a war-party of more than two thousand men. A further proof of
friendship was afforded by their willingness to receive a missionary in
their midst—the Recollet, Father Joseph Le Caron.</p>
<p>Champlain's line of exploration in 1615-16 took the following course. He
first ascended the Ottawa to the mouth of the Mattawa. Thence journeying
overland by ponds and portages he entered Lake Nipissing, which he skirted
to the outlet. French River next took him to Georgian Bay, or, as he calls
it for geographical definition, the Lake of the Attigouautan [Hurons]. His
own name for this vast inland sea is the Mer Douce. That he did not
explore it with any degree of thoroughness is evident from the terms of
his narrative as well as from his statement that its length, east and
west, is four hundred leagues. What he saw of Lake Huron was really the
east shore of Georgian Bay, from the mouth of French River to the bottom
of Matchedash Bay. Here he entered the country of the Hurons, which
pleased him greatly in comparison with the tract before traversed. 'It was
very fine, the largest part being cleared, and many hills and several
rivers rendering the region agreeable. I went to see their Indian corn,
which was at that time [early in August] far advanced for the season.'</p>
<p>Champlain's route through the district between Carmaron and Cahaigue can
best be followed in Father Jones's map of Huronia. [Footnote: This map
will be found in 'The Jesuit Missions 'in this Series, and also in vol.
xxxiv of 'The Jesuit Relations,' ed. Thwaites.] The points which Champlain
names are there indicated, in each case with as careful identification of
the locality as we are ever likely to get. For those who are not
specialists in the topography of Huronia it may suffice that Champlain
left Matchedash Bay not far from Penetanguishene, and thence went to
Carmaron at the very north of the peninsula. Returning, he passed through
some of the largest of the Huron villages, and after sixteen days came out
at Cahaigue, which was situated close to Lake Simcoe and almost on the
site of the modern Hawkestone. It was here that most of the Huron warriors
assembled for the great expedition against the Onondagas. Setting out on
their march, they first went a little to the northward, where they were
joined on the shores of Lake Couchiching by another contingent. The party
thus finally made up, Champlain's line of advance first took him to
Sturgeon Lake. Afterwards it pursued that important waterway which is
represented by the Otonabee river, Rice Lake, and the river Trent. Hence
the warriors entered Lake Ontario by the Bay of Quinte.</p>
<p>This country between Lake Simcoe and the Bay of Quinte seems to have
pleased Champlain greatly. He saw it in September, when the temperature
was agreeable and when the vegetation of the forest could be enjoyed
without the torment inflicted by mosquitoes. 'It is certain,' he says,
'that all this region is very fine and pleasant. Along the banks it seems
as if the trees had been set out for ornament in most places, and that all
these tracts were in former times inhabited by savages who were
subsequently compelled to abandon them from fear of their enemies. Vines
and nut trees are here very numerous. Grapes mature, yet there is always a
very pungent tartness, which is felt remaining in the throat when one eats
them in large quantities, arising from defect of cultivation. These
localities are very pleasant when cleared up.'</p>
<p>From the Bay of Quinte the war-party skirted the east shore of Lake
Ontario, crossing the head of the St Lawrence, and thence following the
southern shore about fourteen leagues. At this point the Indians concealed
all their canoes and struck into the woods towards Lake Oneida. Though
made up chiefly of Hurons, the little army embraced various allies,
including a band of Algonquins. Whether from over-confidence at having
Champlain among them or from their natural lack of discipline, the allies
managed their attack very badly. On a pond a few miles south of Oneida
Lake lay the objective point of the expedition—a palisaded
stronghold of the Onondagas. At a short distance from this fort eleven of
the enemy were surprised and taken prisoners. What followed was much less
fortunate. Champlain does not state the number of Frenchmen present, but
as his drawing shows eleven musketeers, we may infer that his own
followers were distinctly more numerous than at the battle on Lake
Champlain.</p>
<p>The height of the palisade was thirty feet, and a system of gutters
supplied abundant water for use in extinguishing fire. Champlain's plan of
attack was to employ a cavalier, or protected scaffolding, which should
overtop the palisade and could be brought close against it. From the top
of this framework four or five musketeers were to deliver a fusillade
against the Iroquois within the fort, while the Hurons kindled a fire at
the foot of the palisade. Champlain's drawing shows the rest of the
musketeers engaged in creating a diversion at other points.</p>
<p>But everything miscarried. Though the cavalier was constructed, the allies
threw aside the wooden shields which Champlain had caused to be made as a
defence against the arrows of the Iroquois while the fire was being
kindled. Only a small supply of wood had been collected, and even this was
so placed that the flames blew away from the palisade instead of towards
it. On the failure of this attempt to fire the fort all semblance of
discipline was thrown to the winds. 'There also rose such disorder among
them,' says Champlain, 'that one could not understand another, which
greatly troubled me. In vain did I shout in their ears and remonstrate to
my utmost with them as to the danger to which they exposed themselves by
their bad behaviour, but on account of the great noise they made they
heard nothing. Seeing that shouting would only burst my head and that my
remonstrances were useless for putting a stop to the disorder, I did
nothing more, but determined, together with my men, to do what we could
and fire upon such as we could see.'</p>
<p>The fight itself lasted only three hours, and the casualties of the
attacking party were inconsiderable, since but two of their chiefs and
fifteen warriors were wounded. In addition to their repulse, the Hurons
suffered a severe disappointment through the failure to join them of five
hundred allies who had given their solemn promise. Although Champlain had
received two severe wounds, one in the leg and another in the knee, he
urged a second and more concerted attack. But in vain. The most the Hurons
would promise was to wait four or five days for the expected
reinforcements. At the end of this time there was no sign of the five
hundred, and the return began. 'The only good point,' says Champlain,
'that I have seen in their mode of warfare is that they make their retreat
very securely, placing all the wounded and aged in their centre, being
well armed on the wings and in the rear, and continuing this order without
interruption until they reach a place of security.'</p>
<p>Champlain himself suffered tortures during the retreat, partly from his
wounds, but even more from the mode of transportation. The Indian method
of removing the wounded was first to bind and pinion them 'in such a
manner that it is as impossible for them to move as for an infant in its
swaddling-clothes.' They were then carried in a kind of basket, 'crowded
up in a heap.' Doubtless as a mark of distinction, Champlain was carried
separately on the back of a savage. His wound was so severe that when the
retreat began he could not stand. But the transportation proved worse than
the wound. 'I never found myself in such a gehenna as during this time,
for the pain which I suffered in consequence of the wound in my knee was
nothing in comparison with that which I endured while I was carried bound
and pinioned on the back of one of our savages. So that I lost my
patience, and as soon as I could sustain myself got out of this prison, or
rather gehenna.'</p>
<p>The enemy made no pursuit, but forced marches were kept up for twenty-five
or thirty leagues. The weather now grew cold, as it was past the middle of
autumn. The fight at the fort of the Onondagas had taken place on October
10, and eight days later there was a snowstorm, with hail and a strong
wind. But, apart from extreme discomfort, the retreat was successfully
accomplished, and on the shore of Lake Ontario they found the canoes
intact.</p>
<p>It had been Champlain's purpose to spend the winter at Quebec, and when
the Hurons were about to leave the east end of Lake Ontario for their own
country he asked them for a canoe and an escort. Four Indians volunteered
for this service, but no canoe could be had, and in consequence Champlain
was forced reluctantly to accompany the Hurons. With his usual patience he
accepted the inevitable, which in this case was only unpleasant because he
was ill prepared for spending a winter among the Indians. After a few days
he perceived that their plan was to keep him and his companions, partly as
security for themselves and partly that he might assist at their councils
in planning better safeguards against their enemies.</p>
<p>This enforced residence of Champlain among the Hurons during the winter of
1615-16 has given us an excellent description of Indian customs. It was
also the means of composing a dangerous quarrel between the Hurons and the
Algonquins. Once committed to spending the winter among the Indians,
Champlain planned to make Huronia a point of departure for still further
explorations to the westward. Early in 1616 there seemed to be a
favourable opportunity to push forward in the direction of Lake Superior.
Then came this wretched brawl of Hurons and Algonquins, which threatened
to beget bitter hatred and war among tribes which hitherto had both been
friendly to the French. Accepting his duty, Champlain gave up his journey
to the far west and threw himself into the task of restoring peace. But
the measure of his disappointment is found in these words:</p>
<p>If ever there was one greatly disheartened, it was<br/>
myself, since I had been waiting to see this year what<br/>
during many preceding ones I had been seeking for with<br/>
great toil and effort, through so many fatigues and<br/>
risks of my life. But realizing that I could not help<br/>
the matter, and that everything depended on the will<br/>
of God, I comforted myself, resolving to see it in a<br/>
short time. I had such sure information that I could<br/>
not doubt the report of these people, who go to traffic<br/>
with others dwelling in those northern regions, a<br/>
great part of whom live in a place very abundant in<br/>
the chase and where there are great numbers of large<br/>
animals, the skins of several of which I saw, and<br/>
which I concluded were buffaloes from their<br/>
representation of their form. Fishing is also very<br/>
abundant there. This journey requires forty days as<br/>
well in returning as in going.<br/></p>
<p>Thus Champlain almost had a chance to see the bison and the great plains
of the West. As it was, he did his immediate duty and restored the peace
of Huron and Algonquin. In partial compensation for the alluring journey
he relinquished, he had a better opportunity to study the Hurons in their
settlements and to investigate their relations with their neighbours—the
Tobacco Nation, the Neutral Nation, les Cheveux Releves, and the Race of
Fire. Hence the Voyage of 1615 not only describes the physical aspects of
Huronia, but contains intimate details regarding the life of its people—their
wigwams, their food, their manner of cooking, their dress, their
decorations, their marriage customs, their medicine-men, their burials,
their assemblies, their agriculture, their amusements, and their mode of
fishing. It is Champlain's most ambitious piece of description, far less
detailed than the subsequent narratives of the Jesuits, but in comparison
with them gaining impact from being less diffuse.</p>
<p>It was on May 20, 1616, that Champlain left the Huron country, never again
to journey thither or to explore the recesses of the forest. Forty days
later he reached the Sault St Louis, and saw once more his old friend
Pontgrave. Thenceforward his life belongs not to the wilderness, but to
Quebec.</p>
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