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Chronicles of America Volume 13 - The Fathers of the Constitution

<h2>CHAPTER VIII</h2> <h3>THE UNION ESTABLISHED</h3> The course of English history shows that Anglo-Saxon tradition is strongly in favor of observing precedents and of trying to maintain at least the form of law, even in revolutions. When the English people found it impossible to bear with James II and made it so uncomfortable for him that he fled the country, they shifted the responsibility from their own shoulders by charging him with “breaking the original Contract between King and People.” When the Thirteen Colonies had reached the point where they felt that they must separate from England, their spokesman, Thomas Jefferson, found the necessary justification in the fundamental compact of the first settlers “in the wilds of America” where “the emigrants thought proper to adopt that system of laws under which they had hitherto lived in the mother country”; and in the Declaration of Independence he charged the King 144 of Great Britain with “repeated injuries and usurpations all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States.” And so it was with the change to the new form of government in the United States, which was accomplished only by disregarding the forms prescribed in the Articles of Confederation and has been called, therefore, “the Revolution of 1789.” From the outset the new constitution was placed under the sanction of the old. The movement began with an attempt, outwardly at least, to revise the Articles of Confederation and in that form was authorized by Congress. The first breach with the past was made when the proposal in the Virginia Resolutions was accepted that amendments made by the Convention in the Articles of Confederation should be submitted to assemblies chosen by the people instead of to the legislatures of the separate States. This was the more readily accepted because it was believed that ratification by the legislatures would result in the formation of a treaty rather than in a working instrument of government. The next step was to prevent the work of the Convention from meeting the fate of all previous amendments to the Articles of Confederation, which had required the consent of every State in 145 the Union. At the time the committee of detail made its report, the Convention was ready to agree that the consent of all the States was not necessary, and it eventually decided that, when ratified by the conventions of nine States, the Constitution should go into effect between the States so ratifying. It was not within the province of the Convention to determine what the course of procedure should be in the individual States; so it simply transmitted the Constitution to Congress and in an accompanying document, which significantly omitted any request for the approval of Congress, strongly expressed the opinion that the Constitution should “be submitted to a convention of delegates chosen in each state by the people thereof.” This was nothing less than indirect ratification by the people; and, since it was impossible to foretell in advance which of the States would or would not ratify, the original draft of “We, the People of the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, …” was changed to the phrase “We, the People of the United States.” No man of that day could imagine how significant this change would appear in the light of later history. Congress did not receive the new Constitution enthusiastically, yet after a few days’ discussion 146 it unanimously voted, eleven States being present, that the recommendations of the Convention should be followed, and accordingly sent the document to the States, but without a word of approval or disapproval. On the whole the document was well received, especially as it was favored by the upper class, who had the ability and the opportunity for expression and were in a position to make themselves heard. For a time it looked as if the Constitution would be readily adopted. The contest over the Constitution in the States is usually taken as marking the beginning of the two great national political parties in the United States. This was, indeed, in a way the first great national question that could cause such a division. There had been, to be sure, Whigs and Tories in America, reproducing British parties, but when the trouble with the mother country began, the successive congresses of delegates were recognized and attended only by the so-called American Whigs, and after the Declaration of Independence the name of Tory became a reproach, so that with the end of the war the Tory party disappeared. After the Revolution there were local parties in the various States, divided on one and another question, such as that of hard and soft money, and these issues 147 had coincided in different States; but they were in no sense national parties with organizations, platforms, and leaders; they were purely local, and the followers of one or the other would have denied that they were anything else than Whigs. But a new issue was now raised. The Whig party split in two, new leaders appeared, and the elements gathered in two main divisions—the Federalists advocating, and the Anti-Federalists opposing, the adoption of the new Constitution. There were differences of opinion over all the questions which had led to the calling of the Federal Convention and the framing of the Constitution and so there was inevitably a division upon the result of the Convention’s work. There were those who wanted national authority for the suppression of disorder and of what threatened to be anarchy throughout the Union; and on the other hand there were those who opposed a strongly organized government through fear of its destroying liberty. Especially debtors and creditors took opposite sides, and most of the people in the United States could have been brought under one or the other category. The former favored a system of government and legislation which would tend to relieve or postpone the payment of debts; and, as that 148 relief would come more readily from the State Governments, they were naturally the friends of State rights and State authority and were opposed to any enlargement of the powers of the Federal Government. On the other hand, were those who felt the necessity of preserving inviolate every private and public obligation and who saw that the separate power of the States could not accomplish what was necessary to sustain both public and private credit; they were disposed to use the resources of the Union and accordingly to favor the strengthening of the national government. In nearly every State there was a struggle between these classes. In Philadelphia and the neighborhood there was great enthusiasm for the new Constitution. Almost simultaneously with the action by Congress, and before notification of it had been received, a motion was introduced in the Pennsylvania Assembly to call a ratifying convention. The Anti-Federalists were surprised by the suddenness of this proposal and to prevent action absented themselves from the session of the Assembly, leaving that body two short of the necessary quorum for the transaction of business. The excitement and indignation in the city were so great that early the next morning a crowd gathered, dragged two of the 149 absentees from their lodgings to the State House, and held them firmly in their places until the roll was called and a quorum counted, when the House proceeded to order a State convention. As soon as the news of this vote got out, the city gave itself up to celebrating the event by the suspension of business, the ringing of church bells, and other demonstrations. The elections were hotly contested, but the Federalists were generally successful. The convention met towards the end of November and, after three weeks of futile discussion, mainly upon trivial matters and the meaning of words, ratified the Constitution on the 12th of December, by a vote of forty-six to twenty-three. Again the city of Philadelphia celebrated. Pennsylvania was the first State to call a convention, but its final action was anticipated by Delaware, where the State convention met and ratified the Constitution by unanimous vote on the 7th of December. The New Jersey convention spent only a week in discussion and then voted, also unanimously, for ratification on the 18th of December. The next State to ratify was Georgia, where the Constitution was approved without a dissenting vote on January 2, 1788. Connecticut followed immediately and, after a session of only five days, 150 declared itself in favor of the Constitution, on the 9th of January, by a vote of over three to one. The results of the campaign for ratification thus far were most gratifying to the Federalists, but the issue was not decided. With the exception of Pennsylvania, the States which had acted were of lesser importance, and, until Massachusetts, New York, and Virginia should declare themselves, the outcome would be in doubt. The convention of Massachusetts met on the same day that the Connecticut convention adjourned. The sentiment of Boston, like that of Philadelphia, was strongly Federalist; but the outlying districts, and in particular the western part of the State, where Shays’ Rebellion had broken out, were to be counted in the opposition. There were 355 delegates who took part in the Massachusetts convention, a larger number than was chosen in any of the other States, and the majority seemed to be opposed to ratification. The division was close, however, and it was believed that the attitude of two men would determine the result. One of these was Governor John Hancock, who was chosen chairman of the convention but who did not attend the sessions at the outset, as he was confined to his house by an attack of gout, which, it was maliciously said, would disappear 151 as soon as it was known which way the majority of the convention would vote. The other was Samuel Adams, a genuine friend of liberty, who was opposed on principle to the general theory of the government set forth in the Constitution. “I stumble at the threshold,” he wrote. “I meet with a national government, instead of a federal union of sovereign states.” But, being a shrewd politician, Adams did not commit himself openly and, when the tradesmen of Boston declared themselves in favor of ratification, he was ready to yield his personal opinion. There were many delegates in the Massachusetts convention who felt that it was better to amend the document before them than to try another Federal Convention, when as good an instrument might not be devised. If this group were added to those who were ready to accept the Constitution as it stood, they would make a majority in favor of the new government. But the delay involved in amending was regarded as dangerous, and it was argued that, as the Constitution made ample provision for changes, it would be safer and wiser to rely upon that method. The question was one, therefore, of immediate or future amendment. Pressure was accordingly brought to bear upon Governor Hancock 152 and intimations were made to him of future political preferment, until he was persuaded to propose immediate ratification of the Constitution, with an urgent recommendation of such amendments as would remove the objections of the Massachusetts people. When this proposal was approved by Adams, its success was assured, and a few days later, on the 6th of February, the convention voted 187 to 168 in favor of ratification. Nine amendments, largely in the nature of a bill of rights, were then demanded, and the Massachusetts representatives in Congress were enjoined “at all times, … to exert all their influence, and use all reasonable and legal methods, To obtain a ratification of the said alterations and provisions.” On the very day this action was taken, Jefferson wrote from Paris to Madison: “I wish with all my soul that the nine first conventions may accept the new Constitution, to secure to us the good it contains; but I equally wish that the four latest, whichever they may be, may refuse to accede to it till a declaration of rights be annexed.” Boston proceeded to celebrate as Philadelphia, and Benjamin Lincoln wrote to Washington, on the 9th of February, enclosing an extract from the local paper describing the event: <blockquote> 153 By the paper your Excellency will observe some account of the parade of the Eighth the printer had by no means time eno’ to do justice to the subject. To give you some idea how far he has been deficient I will mention an observation I heard made by a Lady the last evening who saw the whole that the description in the paper would no more compare with the original than the light of the faintest star would with that of the Sun fortunately for us the whole ended without the least disorder and the town during the whole evening was, so far as I could observe perfectly quiet. ¹ </blockquote> He added another paragraph which he later struck out as being of little importance; but it throws an interesting sidelight upon the customs of the time. <blockquote> The Gentlemen provided at Faneul Hall some biscuit & cheese four qr Casks of wine three barrels & two hogs of punch the moment they found that the people had drank sufficiently means were taken to overset the two hogs punch this being done the company dispersed and the day ended most agreeably ² </blockquote> <div class="footer"> ¹ Documentary History, vol. iv, pp. 488-490. ² Ibid. </div> Maryland came next. When the Federal Convention was breaking up, Luther Martin was speaking of the new system of government to his colleague, Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, and exclaimed: “I’ll be hanged if ever the people of Maryland agree to it!” To which his colleague 154 retorted: “I advise you to stay in Philadelphia, lest you should be hanged.” And Jenifer proved to be right, for in Maryland the Federalists obtained control of the convention and, by a vote of 63 to 11, ratified the Constitution on the 26th of April. In South Carolina, which was the Southern State next in importance to Virginia, the compromise on the slave trade proved to be one of the deciding factors in determining public opinion. When the elections were held, they resulted in an overwhelming majority for the Federalists, so that after a session of less than two weeks the convention ratified the Constitution, on the 28th of May, by a vote of over two to one. The only apparent setback which the adoption of the Constitution had thus far received was in New Hampshire, where the convention met early in February and then adjourned until June to see what the other States might do. But this delay proved to be of no consequence for, when the time came for the second meeting of the New Hampshire delegates, eight States had already acted favorably and adoption was regarded as a certainty. This was sufficient to put a stop to any further waiting, and New Hampshire added its name to the list on the 21st of June; but the division of opinion 155 was fairly well represented by the smallness of the majority, the vote standing 57 to 46. Nine States had now ratified the Constitution and it was to go into effect among them. But the support of Virginia and New York was of so much importance that their decisions were awaited with uneasiness. In Virginia, in spite of the support of such men as Washington and Madison, the sentiment for and against the Constitution was fairly evenly divided, and the opposition numbered in its ranks other names of almost equal influence, such as Patrick Henry and George Mason. Feeling ran high; the contest was a bitter one and, even after the elections had been held and the convention had opened, early in June, the decision was in doubt and remained in doubt until the very end. The situation was, in one respect at least, similar to that which had existed in Massachusetts, in that it was possible to get a substantial majority in favor of the Constitution provided certain amendments were made. The same arguments were used, strengthened on the one side by what other States had done, and on the other side by the plea that now was the time to hold out for amendments. The example of Massachusetts, however, seems to have been decisive, and on the 25th of June, four days later than 156 New Hampshire, the Virginia convention voted to ratify, “under the conviction that whatsoever imperfections may exist in the Constitution ought rather to be examined in the mode prescribed therein, than to bring the Union into danger by delay, with a hope of obtaining amendments previous to the ratification.” When the New York convention began its sessions on the 17th of June, it is said that more than two-thirds of the delegates were Anti-Federalist in sentiment. How a majority in favor of the Constitution was obtained has never been adequately explained, but it is certain that the main credit for the achievement belongs to Alexander Hamilton. He had early realized how greatly it would help the prospects of the Constitution if thinking people could be brought to an appreciation of the importance and value of the new form of government. In order to reach the intelligent public everywhere, but particularly in New York, he projected a series of essays which should be published in the newspapers, setting forth the aims and purposes of the Constitution. He secured the assistance of Madison and Jay, and before the end of October, 1787, published the first essay in The Independent Gazetteer. From that time on these papers continued to 157 be printed over the signature of “Publius,” sometimes as many as three or four in a week. There were eighty-five numbers altogether, which have ever since been known as The Federalist. Of these approximately fifty were the work of Hamilton, Madison wrote about thirty and Jay five. Although the essays were widely copied in other journals, and form for us the most important commentary on the Constitution, making what is regarded as one of America’s greatest books, it is doubtful how much immediate influence they had. Certainly in the New York convention itself Hamilton’s personal influence was a stronger force. His arguments were both eloquent and cogent, and met every objection; and his efforts to win over the opposition were unremitting. The news which came by express riders from New Hampshire and then from Virginia were also deciding factors, for New York could not afford to remain out of the new Union if it was to embrace States on either side. And yet the debate continued, as the opposition was putting forth every effort to make ratification conditional upon certain amendments being adopted. But Hamilton resolutely refused to make any concessions and at length was successful in persuading the New York convention, by a vote of 30 against 158 27, on the 26th of July, to follow the example of Massachusetts and Virginia and to ratify the Constitution with merely a recommendation of future amendments. The satisfaction of the country at the outcome of the long and momentous struggle over the adoption of the new government was unmistakable. Even before the action of New York had been taken, the Fourth of July was made the occasion for a great celebration throughout the United States, both as the anniversary of independence and as the consummation of the Union by the adoption of the Constitution. The general rejoicing was somewhat tempered, however, by the reluctance of North Carolina and Rhode Island to come under “the new roof.” Had the convention which met on the 21st of July in North Carolina reached a vote, it would probably have defeated the Constitution, but it was doubtless restrained by the action of New York and adjourned without coming to a decision. A second convention was called in September, 1789, and in the meantime the new government had come into operation and was bringing pressure to bear upon the recalcitrant States which refused to abandon the old union for the new. One of the earliest 159 acts passed by Congress was a revenue act, levying duties upon foreign goods imported, which were made specifically to apply to imports from Rhode Island and North Carolina. This was sufficient for North Carolina, and on November 21, 1789, the convention ratified the Constitution. But Rhode Island still held out. A convention of that State was finally called to meet in March, 1790, but accomplished nothing and avoided a decision by adjourning until May. The Federal Government then proceeded to threaten drastic measures by taking up a bill which authorized the President to suspend all commercial intercourse with Rhode Island and to demand of that State the payment of its share of the Federal debt. The bill passed the Senate but stopped there, for the State gave in and ratified the Constitution on the 29th of May. Two weeks later Ellsworth, who was now United States Senator from Connecticut, wrote that Rhode Island had been “brought into the Union, and by a pretty cold measure in Congress, which would have exposed me to some censure, had it not produced the effect which I expected it would and which in fact it has done. But ‘all is well that ends well.’ The Constitution is now adopted by all the States and I have much satisfaction, and perhaps 160 some vanity, in seeing, at length, a great work finished, for which I have long labored incessantly.” ¹ Perhaps the most striking feature of these conventions is the trivial character of the objections that were raised. Some of the arguments it is true, went to the very heart of the matter and considered the fundamental principles of government. It is possible to tolerate and even to sympathize with a man who declared: <blockquote> Among other deformities the Constitution has an awful squinting. It squints toward monarchy; … your president may easily become a king.… If your American chief be a man of ambition and ability how easy it is for him to render himself absolute. We shall have a king. The army will salute him monarch. ² </blockquote> But it is hard to take seriously a delegate who asked permission “to make a short apostrophe to liberty,” and then delivered himself of this bathos: <blockquote> O liberty!—thou greatest good—thou fairest property—with thee I wish to live—with thee I wish to die!—Pardon me if I drop a tear on the peril to which she is exposed; I cannot, sir, see this brightest of jewels tarnished! a jewel worth ten thousand worlds! and shall we part with it so soon? O no! ³ </blockquote> <div class="footer"> ¹, ² “Connecticut’s Ratification of the Federal Constitution,” by B. C. Steiner, in Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, April, 1915, pp. 88-89. </div> <div class="footer"> ³ Elliot’s Debates on the Federal Constitution, vol. iii, p. 144. </div> 161 There might be some reason in objecting to the excessive power vested in Congress; but what is one to think of the fear that imagined the greatest point of danger to lie in the ten miles square which later became the District of Columbia, because the Government might erect a fortified stronghold which would be invincible? Again, in the light of subsequent events it is laughable to find many protesting that, although each house was required to keep a journal of proceedings, it was only required “from time to time to publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy.” All sorts of personal charges were made against those who were responsible for the framing of the Constitution. Hopkinson wrote to Jefferson in April, 1788: <blockquote> You will be surprised when I tell you that our public News Papers have announced General Washington to be a Fool influenced & lead by that Knave Dr. Franklin, who is a public Defaulter for Millions of Dollars, that Mr. Morris has defrauded the Public out of as many Millions as you please & that they are to cover their frauds by this new Government. ¹ </blockquote> <div class="footer"> ¹ Documentary History of the Constitution, vol. iv, p. 563. </div> All things considered, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that such critics and detractors were trying to find excuses for their opposition. 162 The majorities in the various conventions can hardly be said really to represent the people of their States, for only a small percentage of the people had voted in electing them; they were representative rather of the propertied upper class. This circumstance has given rise to the charge that the Constitution was framed and adopted by men who were interested in the protection of property, in the maintenance of the value of government securities, and in the payment of debts which had been incurred by the individual States in the course of the Revolution. Property-holders were unquestionably assisted by the mere establishment of a strong government. The creditor class seemed to require some special provision and, when the powers of Congress were under consideration in the Federal Convention, several of the members argued strongly for a positive injunction on Congress to assume obligations of the States. The chief objection to this procedure seemed to be based upon the fear of benefiting speculators rather than the legitimate creditors, and the matter was finally compromised by providing that all debts should be “as valid against the United States under this Constitution as under the Confederation.” The charge that the Constitution was framed and its adoption obtained 163 by men of property and wealth is undoubtedly true, but it is a mistake to attribute unworthy motives to them. The upper classes in the United States were generally people of wealth and so would be the natural holders of government securities. They were undoubtedly acting in self-protection, but the responsibility rested upon them to take the lead. They were acting indeed for the public interest in the largest sense, for conditions in the United States were such that every man might become a landowner and the people in general therefore wished to have property rights protected. In the autumn of 1788 the Congress of the old Confederation made testamentary provision for its heir by voting that presidential electors should be chosen on the first Wednesday in January, 1789; that these electors should meet and cast their votes for President on the first Wednesday in February; and that the Senate and House of Representatives should assemble on the first Wednesday in March. It was also decided that the seat of government should be in the City of New York until otherwise ordered by Congress. In accordance with this procedure, the requisite elections were held, and the new government was duly installed. It happened 164 in 1789 that the first Wednesday in March was the fourth day of that month, which thereby became the date for the beginning of each subsequent administration. The acid test of efficiency was still to be applied to the new machinery of government. But Americans then, as now, were an adaptable people, with political genius, and they would have been able to make almost any form of government succeed. If the Federal Convention had never met, there is good reason for believing that the Articles of Confederation, with some amendments, would have been made to work. The success of the new government was therefore in a large measure dependent upon the favor of the people. If they wished to do so, they could make it win out in spite of obstacles. In other words, the new government would succeed exactly to the extent to which the people stood back of it. This was the critical moment when the slowly growing prosperity, described at length and emphasized in the previous chapters, produced one of its most important effects. In June, 1788, Washington wrote to Lafayette: <blockquote> I expect, that many blessings will be attributed to our new government, which are now taking their rise from that industry and frugality into the practice of 165 which the people have been forced from necessity. I really believe that there never was so much labour and economy to be found before in the country as at the present moment. If they persist in the habits they are acquiring, the good effects will soon be distinguishable. When the people shall find themselves secure under an energetic government, when foreign Nations shall be disposed to give us equal advantages in commerce from dread of retaliation, when the burdens of the war shall be in a manner done away by the sale of western lands, when the seeds of happiness which are sown here shall begin to expand themselves, and when every one (under his own vine and fig-tree) shall begin to taste the fruits of freedom—then all these blessings (for all these blessings will come) will be referred to the fostering influence of the new government. Whereas many causes will have conspired to produce them. </blockquote> A few months later a similar opinion was expressed by Crèvec&oelig;ur in writing to Jefferson: <blockquote> Never was so great a change in the opinion of the best people as has happened these five years; almost everybody feels the necessity of coercive laws, government, union, industry, and labor.… The exports of this country have singularly increased within these two years, and the imports have decreased in proportion. </blockquote> The new Federal Government was fortunate in beginning its career at the moment when returning 166 prosperity was predisposing the people to think well of it. The inauguration of Washington marked the opening of a new era for the people of the United States of America. <hr /> <div class="chapterhead"> 167 </div> <h2> APPENDIX ¹ </h2> <div class="footer"> ¹ The documents in this Appendix follow the text of the Revised Statutes of the United States, Second Edition, 1878. </div> <h2>THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE—1776.</h2> <h3>In Congress, July 4, 1776</h3> The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the Powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the 168 Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.—Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world. He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the 169 Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their Public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative Powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands. He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers. He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our People, and eat out their substance. He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislature. He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil Power. 170 He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their acts of pretended Legislation: For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us: For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States: For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world: For imposing taxes on us without our Consent: For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury: For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences: For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies: For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Government: For suspending our own Legislature, and declaring themselves invested with Power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most 171 barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands. He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free People. Nor have We been wanting in attention to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence[.] They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends. We, therefore, the Representative of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, 172 appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the Protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor. JOHN HANCOCK. New Hampshire. Josiah Bartlett, Wm. Whipple, Matthew Thornton. Massachusetts Bay. Saml. Adams, John Adams, Robt. Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry. Rhode Island. Step. Hopkins, William Ellery. Connecticut. Roger Sherman, Sam'el Huntington, Wm. Williams, Oliver Wolcott. 173 New York. Wm. Floyd, Phil. Livingston, Frans. Lewis, Lewis Morris. New Jersey. Richd. Stockton, Jno. Witherspoon, Fras. Hopkinson, John Hart, Abra. Clark. Pennsylvania. Robt. Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benja. Franklin, John Morton, Geo. Clymer, Jas. Smith, Geo. Taylor, James Wilson, Geo. Ross. Delaware. Cæsar Rodney, Geo. Read, Tho. M’Kean. Maryland. Samuel Chase, Wm. Paca, Thos. Stone, Charles Carroll of Carrollton. Virginia. George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Th. Jefferson, Benja. Harrison, Thos. Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton. 174 North Carolina. Wm. Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn. South Carolina. Edward Rutledge, Thos Heyward, Junr., Thomas Lynch, Junr., Arthur Middleton. Georgia. Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, Geo. Walton Note.—Mr. Ferdinand Jefferson, Keeper of the Rolls in the Department of State, at Washington, says: “The names of the signers are spelt above as in the fac-simile of the original, but the punctuation of them is not always the same; neither do the names of the States appear in the fac-simile of the original. The names of the signers of each State are grouped together in the fac-simile of the original, except the name of Matthew Thornton, which follows that of Oliver Wolcott.” <hr class="break" /> <div class="chapterhead"> 175 </div> <h2>ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION—1777.</h2> To all to whom these Presents shall come, we the undersigned Delegates of the States affixed to our Names send greeting. Whereas the Delegates of the United States of America in Congress assembled did on the fifteenth day of November in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Seventyseven, and in the Second Year of the Independence of America agree to certain articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the States of Newhampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhodeisland and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina and Georgia in the Words following, viz. “Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the States of Newhampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhodeisland and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina and Georgia. Article I. The stile of this confederacy shall be “The United States of America.” 176 Article II. Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress assembled. Article III. The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other, against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever. Article IV. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse among the people of the different States in this Union, the free inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, vagabonds and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States; and the people of each State shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any State, to any other State of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided also that no imposition, duties or restriction shall be laid by any State, on the property of the United States, or either of them. If any person guilty of, or charged with treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor in any State, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the United States, 177 he shall upon demand of the Governor or Executive power, of the State from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to the State having jurisdiction of his offence. Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State. Article V. For the more convenient management of the general interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the legislature of each State shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, with a power reserved to each State, to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead, for the remainder of the year. No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by more than seven members; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three years in any term of six years; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the United States, for which he, or another for his benefit receives any salary, fees or emolument of any kind. Each State shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the States, and while they act as members of the committee of the States. In determining questions in the United States, in Congress assembled, each State shall have one vote. Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court, or place out of Congress, and the members of Congress shall be protected in their persons from arrests and imprisonments, during the time of their going to and from, and 178 attendance on Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace. Article VI. No State without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance or treaty with any king prince or state; nor shall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, accept of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever from any king, prince or foreign state; nor shall the United States in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation or alliance whatever between them, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue. No state shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties, entered into by the United States in Congress assembled, with any king, prince or state, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by Congress, to the courts of France and Spain. No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any State, except such number only, as shall be deemed necessary by the United States in Congress assembled, for the defence of such State, or its trade; nor shall any body of forces be kept up by any State, in time of peace, except such number only, as in the judgment of the United States, in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defence of such State; but every State shall 179 always keep up a well regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutered, and shall provide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition and camp equipage. No State shall engage in any war without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, unless such State be actually invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such State, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay, till the United States in Congress assembled can be consulted: nor shall any State grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the United States in Congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or state and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be established by the United States in Congress assembled, unless such State be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall continue, or until the United States in Congress assembled shall determine otherwise. Article VII. When land-forces are raised by any State for the common defence, all officers of or under the rank of colonel, shall be appointed by the Legislature of each State respectively by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such State shall direct, and all vacancies shall be filled up by the State which first made the appointment. Article VIII. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence 180 or general welfare, and allowed by the United States in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several States, in proportion to the value of all land within each State, granted to or surveyed for any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated according to such mode as the United States in Congress assembled, shall from time to time direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the Legislatures of the several States within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress assembled. Article IX. The United States in Congress assembled, shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth article—of sending and receiving ambassadors—entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legislative power of the respective States shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners, as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatsoever—of establishing rules for deciding in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States shall be divided or appropriated—of granting letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace—appointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas and establishing courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures, 181 provided that no member of Congress shall be appointed a judge of any of the said courts. The United States in Congress assembled shall also be the last resort on appeal in all disputes and differences now subsisting or that hereafter may arise between two or more States concerning boundary, jurisdiction or any other cause whatever; which authority shall always be exercised in the manner following. Whenever the legislative or executive authority or lawful agent of any State in controversy with another shall present a petition to Congress, stating the matter in question and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given by order of Congress to the legislative or executive authority of the other State in controversy, and a day assigned for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to appoint by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and determining the matter in question: but if they cannot agree, Congress shall name three persons out of each of the United States, and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced to thirteen; and from that number not less than seven, nor more than nine names as Congress shall direct, shall in the presence of Congress be drawn out by lot, and the persons whose names shall be so drawn or any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part of the judges who shall hear the cause shall agree in the determination: and if either party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, without showing reasons, which Congress shall judge sufficient, or 182 being present shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each State, and the Secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the court to be appointed, in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive; and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such court, or to appear or defend their claim or cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence, or judgment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive, the judgment or sentence and other proceedings being in either case transmitted to Congress, and lodged among the acts of Congress for the security of the parties concerned: provided that every commissioner, before he sits in judgment, shall take an oath to be administered by one of the judges of the supreme or superior court of the State where the cause shall be tried, “well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to the best of his judgment, without favour, affection or hope of reward:” provided also that no State shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United States. All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under different grants of two or more States, whose jurisdiction as they may respect such lands, and the States which passed such grants are adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall on the petition of either party to the Congress of the United States, be finally determined as near as may be in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between different States. 183 The United States in Congress assembled shall also have the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective States.—fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the United States.—regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians, not members of any of the States, provided that the legislative right of any State within its own limits be not infringed or violated—establishing and regulating post-offices from one State to another, throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the papers passing thro’ the same as may be requisite to defray the expenses of the said office—appointing all officers of the land forces, in the service of the United States, excepting regimental officers—appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the United States—making rules for the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their operations. The United States in Congress assembled shall have authority to appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denominated “a Committee of the States,” and to consist of one delegate from each State; and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the United States under their direction—to appoint one of their number to preside, provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of three years; to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expenses—to borrow 184 money, or emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting every half year to the respective States an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted,—to build and equip a navy—to agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each State for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such State; which requisition shall be binding, and thereupon the Legislature of each State shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men and cloath, arm and equip them in a soldier like manner, at the expense of the United States; and the officers and men so cloathed, armed and equipped shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled: but if the United States in Congress assembled shall, on consideration of circumstances judge proper that any State should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other State should raise a greater number of men than the quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, cloathed, armed and equipped in the same manner as the quota of such State, unless the legislature of such State shall judge that such extra number cannot be safely spared out of the same, in which case they shall raise officer, cloath, arm and equip as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared. And the officers and men so cloathed, armed and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled. The United States in Congress assembled shall never engage in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or 185 alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defence and welfare of the United States, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war, to be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander in chief of the army or navy, unless nine States assent to the same: nor shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to day be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the United States in Congress assembled. The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any place within the United States, so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six months, and shall publish the journal of their proceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances or military operations, as in their judgment require secresy; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each State on any question shall be entered on the journal, when it is desired by any delegate; and the delegates of a State, or any of them, at his or their request shall be furnished with a transcript of the said journal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the Legislatures of the several States. Article X. The committee of the States, or any nine of them, shall be authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as the United States in Congress assembled, by the consent of nine States, shall from time to time think expedient to vest them with; provided that no power be delegated to the said committee, for the exercise of which, by the 186 articles of confederation, the voice of nine States in the Congress of the United States assembled is requisite. Article XI. Canada acceding to this confederation, and joining in the measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and entitled to all the advantages of this Union: but no other colony shall be admitted into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine States. Article XII. All bills of credit emitted, monies borrowed and debts contracted by, or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling of the United States, in pursuance of the present confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States, and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged. Article XIII. Every State shall abide by the determinations of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions which by this confederation are submitted to them. And the articles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them; unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the Legislatures of every State. And whereas it has pleased the Great Governor of the world to incline the hearts of the Legislatures we respectively represent in Congress, to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify the said articles of confederation and perpetual union. Know ye that we the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that purpose, do by these 187 presents, in the name and in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and every of the said articles of confederation and perpetual union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained: and we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective constituents, that they shall abide by the determinations of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions, which by the said confederation are submitted to them. And that the articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by the States we re[s]pectively represent, and that the Union shall be perpetual. In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands in Congress. Done at Philadelphia in the State of Pennsylvania the ninth day of July in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, and in the third year of the independence of America. ¹ <div class="footer"> ¹ From the circumstances of delegates from the same State having signed the Articles of Confederation at different times, as appears by the dates, it is probable they affixed their names as they happened to be present in Congress, after they had been authorized by their constituents. </div> On the part & behalf of the State of New Hampshire. Josiah Bartlett, John Wentworth, Junr., August 8th, 1778. On the part and behalf of the State of Massachusetts Bay. John Hancock, Samuel Adams, Elbridge Gerry, Francis Dana, James Lovell, Samuel Holten. On the part and behalf of the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. 188 Williams Ellery, Henry Marchant, John Collins. On the part and behalf of the State of Connecticut. Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, Oliver Wolcott, Titus Hosmer, Andrew Adams. On the part and behalf of the State of New York. Jas. Duane, Fra. Lewis, Wm. Duer, Gouv. Morris. On the part and behalf of the State of New Jersey, Novr. 26, 1778. Jno. Witherspoon. Nathl. Scudder. On the part & behalf of the State of Pennsylvania. Robt. Morris, Daniel Roberdeau, Jona. Bayard Smith, William Clingan, Joseph Reed, 22d July, 1778. On the part & behalf of the State of Delaware. Tho. M’Kean, Feby. 12, 1779. John Dickinson, May 5, 1779. Nicholas Van Dyke. On the part and behalf of the State of Maryland. John Hanson, March 1, 1781. Daniel Carroll, Mar. 1, 1781. On the part and behalf of the State of Virginia. 189 Richard Henry Lee, John Banister, Thomas Adams, Jno. Harvie, Francis Lightfoot Lee. On the part and behalf of the State of No. Carolina. John Penn, July 21st, 1778. Corns. Harnett, Jno. Williams. On the part & behalf of the State of South Carolina. Henry Laurens, William Henry Drayton, Jno. Mathews, Richd. Hutson, Thos. Heyward, Junr. On the part & behalf of the State of Georgia. Jno. Walton, 24th July, 1778. Edwd. Telfair, Edwd. Langworthy. <hr class="break" /> <div class="chapterhead"> 190 </div> <h2>THE NORTHWEST TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT—1787.</h2> <h3> THE CONFEDERATE CONGRESS, JULY 13, 1787. </h3> An Ordinance for the government of the territory of the United States northwest of the river Ohio. Section 1. Be it ordained by the United States in Congress assembled, That the said territory, for the purpose of temporary government, be one district, subject, however, to be divided into two districts, as future circumstances may, in the opinion of Congress, make it expedient. Sec. 2. Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That the estates both of resident and non-resident proprietors in the said territory, dying intestate, shall descend to, and be distributed among, their children and the descendants of a deceased child in equal parts, the descendants of a deceased child or grandchild to take the share of their deceased parent in equal parts among them; and where there shall be no children or descendants, then in equal parts to the next of kin, in equal degree; and among collaterals, the children of a deceased brother or sister of the intestate shall have, in equal parts among them, their deceased parent’s share; and there shall, in no case, be a distinction between kindred of the whole and half blood; saving in all cases to the 191 widow of the intestate, her third part of the real estate for life, and one-third part of the personal estate; and this law relative to descents and dower, shall remain in full force until altered by the legislature of the district. And until the governor and judges shall adopt laws as hereinafter mentioned, estates in the said territory may be devised or bequeathed by wills in writing, signed and sealed by him or her in whom the estate may be, (being of full age,) and attested by three witnesses; and real estates may be conveyed by lease and release, or bargain and sale, signed, sealed, and delivered by the person, being of full age, in whom the estate may be, and attested by two witnesses, provided such wills be duly proved, and such conveyances be acknowledged, or the execution thereof duly proved, and be recorded within one year after proper magistrates, courts, and registers, shall be appointed for that purpose; and personal property may be transferred by delivery, saving, however, to the French and Canadian inhabitants, and other settlers of the Kaskaskias, Saint Vincents, and the neighboring villages, who have heretofore professed themselves citizens of Virginia, their laws and customs now being in force among them, relative to the descent and conveyance of property. Sec. 3. Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That there shall be appointed, from time to time, by Congress, a governor, whose commission shall continue in force for the term of three years, unless sooner revoked by Congress; he shall reside in the district, and have a freehold estate therein, in one thousand acres of land, while in the exercise of his office. Sec. 4. There shall be appointed from time to time, 192 by Congress, a secretary, whose commission shall continue in force for four years, unless sooner revoked; he shall reside in the district, and have a freehold estate therein, in five hundred acres of land, while in the exercise of his office. It shall be his duty to keep and preserve the acts and laws passed by the legislature, and the public records of the district, and the proceedings of the governor in his executive department, and transmit authentic copies of such acts and proceedings every six months to the Secretary of Congress. There shall also be appointed a court, to consist of three judges, any two of whom to form a court, who shall have a common-law jurisdiction, and reside in the district, and have each therein a freehold estate, in five hundred acres of land, while in the exercise of their offices; and their commissions shall continue in force during good behavior. Sec. 5. The governor and judges, or a majority of them, shall adopt and publish in the distric[t] such laws of the original States, criminal and civil, as may be necessary, and best suited to the circumstances of the district, and report them to Congress from time to time, which laws shall be in force in the district until the organization of the general assembly therein, unless disapproved of by Congress; but afterwards the legislature shall have authority to alter them as they shall think fit. Sec. 6. The governor, for the time being, shall be commander-in-chief of the militia, appoint and commission all officers in the same below the rank of general officers; all general officers shall be appointed and commissioned by Congress. Sec. 7. Previous to the organization of the general 193 assembly the governor shall appoint such magistrates, and other civil officers, in each county or township, as he shall find necessary for the preservation of the peace and good order in the same. After the general assembly shall be organized the powers and duties of magistrates and other civil officers shall be regulated and defined by the said assembly; but all magistrates and other civil officers, not herein otherwise directed, shall, during the continuance of this temporary government, be appointed by the governor. Sec. 8. For the prevention of crimes and injuries, the laws to be adopted or made shall have force in all parts of the district, and for the execution of process, criminal and civil, the governor shall make proper divisions thereof; and he shall proceed, from time to time, as circumstances may require, to lay out the parts of the district in which the Indian titles shall have been extinguished, into counties and townships, subject, however, to such alterations as may thereafter be made by the legislature. Sec. 9. So soon as there shall be five thousand free male inhabitants, of full age, in the district, upon giving proof thereof to the governor, they shall receive authority, with time and place, to elect representatives from their counties or townships, to represent them in the general assembly: Provided, That for every five hundred free male inhabitants there shall be one representative, and so on, progressively, with the number of free male inhabitants, shall the right of representation increase, until the number of representatives shall amount to twenty-five; after which the number and proportion of representatives shall be regulated by the legislature: Provided, That no person be eligible or 194 qualified to act as a representative, unless he shall have been a citizen of one of the United States three years, and be a resident in the district, or unless he shall have resided in the district three years; and, in either case, shall likewise hold in his own right, in fee-simple, two hundred acres of land within the same: Provided also, That a freehold in fifty acres of land in the district, having been a citizen of one of the States, and being resident in the district, or the like freehold and two years’ residence in the district, shall be necessary to qualify a man as an elector of a representative. Sec. 10. The representatives thus elected shall serve for the term of two years; and in case of the death of a representative, or removal from office, the governor shall issue a writ to the county or township, for which he was a member, to elect another in his stead, to serve for the residue of the term. Sec. 11. The general assembly, or legislature, shall consist of the governor, legislative council, and a house of representatives. The legislative council shall consist of five members, to continue in office five years, unless sooner removed by Congress; any three of whom to be a quorum; and the members of the council shall be nominated and appointed in the following manner, to wit: As soon as representatives shall be elected the governor shall appoint a time and place for them to meet together, and when met they shall nominate ten persons, resident in the district, and each possessed of a freehold in five hundred acres of land, and return their names to Congress, five of whom Congress shall appoint and commission to serve as aforesaid; and whenever a vacancy shall happen in the council, by 195 death or removal from office, the house of representatives shall nominate two persons, qualified as aforesaid, for each vacancy, and return their names to Congress, one of whom Congress shall appoint and commission for the residue of the term; and every five years, four months at least before the expiration of the time of service of the members of the council, the said house shall nominate ten persons, qualified as aforesaid, and return their names to Congress, five of whom Congress shall appoint and commission to serve as members of the council five years, unless sooner removed. And the governor, legislative council, and house of representatives shall have authority to make laws in all cases for the good government of the district, not repugnant to the principles and articles in this ordinance established and declared. And all bills, having passed by a majority in the house, and by a majority in the council, shall be referred to the governor for his assent; but no bill, or legislative act whatever, shall be of any force without his assent. The governor shall have power to convene, prorogue, and dissolve the general assembly when, in his opinion, it shall be expedient. Sec. 12. The governor, judges, legislative council, secretary, and such other officers as Congress shall appoint in the district, shall take an oath or affirmation of fidelity, and of office; the governor before the President of Congress, and all other officers before the governor. As soon as a legislature shall be formed in the district, the council and house assembled, in one room, shall have authority, by joint ballot, to elect a delegate to Congress, who shall have a seat in Congress, with a right of debating, but not of voting, during this temporary government. 196 Sec. 13. And for extending the fundamental principles of civil and religious liberty, which form the basis whereon these republics, their laws and constitutions, are erected; to fix and establish those principles as the basis of all laws, constitutions, and governments, which forever hereafter shall be formed in the said territory; to provide, also, for the establishment of States, and permanent government therein, and for their admission to a share in the Federal councils on an equal footing with the original States, at as early periods as may be consistent with the general interest: Sec. 14. It is hereby ordained and declared, by the authority aforesaid, that the following articles shall be considered as articles of compact, between the original States and the people and States in the said territory, and forever remain unalterable, unless by common consent, to wit: ARTICLE I. No person, demeaning himself in a peaceable and orderly manner, shall ever be molested on account of his mode of worship, or religious sentiments, in the said territories. ARTICLE II. The inhabitants of the said territory shall always be entitled to the benefits of the writs of habeas corpus, and of the trial by jury; of a propo[r]tionate representation of the people in the legislature, and of judicial proceedings according to the course of the common law. All persons shall be bailable, unless for capital offences, where the proof shall be evident, or the presumption great. All fines shall be moderate; and no 197 cruel or unusual punishments shall be inflicted. No man shall be deprived of his liberty or property, but by the judgment of his peers, or the law of the land, and should the public exigencies make it necessary, for the common preservation, to take any person's property, or to demand his particular services, full compensation shall be made for the same. And, in the just preservation of rights and property, it is understood and declared, that no law ought ever to be made or have force in the said territory, that shall, in any manner whatever, interfere with or affect private contracts, or engagements, bona fide, and without fraud previously formed. ARTICLE III. Religion, morality, and knowledge being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged. The utmost good faith shall always be observed towards the Indians; their lands and property shall never be taken from them without their consent; and in their property, rights, and liberty they never shall be invaded or disturbed, unless in just and lawful wars authorized by Congress; but laws founded in justice and humanity shall, from time to time, be made, for preventing wrongs being done to them, and for preserving peace and friendship with them. ARTICLE IV. The said territory, and the States which may be formed therein, shall forever remain a part of this confederacy of the United States of America, subject to the Articles of Confederation, and to such alterations 198 therein as shall be constitutionally made; and to all the acts and ordinances of the United States in Congress assembled, conformable thereto. The inhabitants and settlers in the said territory shall be subject to pay a part of the Federal debts, contracted, or to be contracted, and a proportional part of the expenses of government to be apportioned on them by Congress, according to the same common rule and measure by which apportionments thereof shall be made on the other States; and the taxes for paying their proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the legislatures of the district, or districts, or new States, as in the original States, within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress assembled. The legislatures of those districts, or new States, shall never interfere with the primary disposal of the soil by the United States in Congress assembled, nor with any regulations Congress may find necessary for securing the title in such soil to the bona-fide purchasers. No tax shall be imposed on lands the property of the United States; and in no case shall non-resident proprietors be taxed higher than residents. The navigable waters leading into the Mississippi and Saint Lawrence, and the carrying places between the same, shall be common highways, and forever free, as well to the inhabitants of the said territory as to the citizens of the United States, and those of any other States that may be admitted into the confederacy, without any tax, impost, or duty therefor. ARTICLE V. There shall be formed in the said territory not less than three nor more than five States; and the boundaries 199 of the States, as soon as Virginia shall alter her act of cession and consent to the same, shall become fixed and established as follows, to wit: The western State, in the said territory, shall be bounded by the Mississippi, the Ohio, and the Wabash Rivers; a direct line drawn from the Wabash and Post Vincents, due north, to the territorial line between the United States and Canada; and by the said territorial line to the Lake of the Woods and Mississippi. The middle State shall be bounded by the said direct line, the Wabash from Post Vincents to the Ohio, by the Ohio, by a direct line drawn due north from the mouth of the Great Miami to the said territorial line, and by the said territorial line. The eastern State shall be bounded by the last-mentioned direct line, the Ohio, Pennsylvania, and the said territorial line: Provided, however, And it is further understood and declared, that the boundaries of these three States shall be subject so far to be altered, that, if Congress shall hereafter find it expedient, they shall have authority to form one or two States in that part of the said territory which lies north of an east and west line drawn through the southerly bend or extreme of Lake Michigan. And whenever any of the said States shall have sixty thousand free inhabitants therein, such State shall be admitted, by its delegates, into the Congress of the United States, on an equal footing with the original States, in all respects whatever; and shall be at liberty to form a permanent constitution and State government: Provided, The constitution and government, so to be formed, shall be republican, and in conformity to the principles contained in these articles, and, so far as it can be consistent with the general interest of the confederacy, 200 such admission shall be allowed at an earlier period, and when there may be a less number of free inhabitants in the State than sixty thousand. ARTICLE VI. There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted: Provided always, That any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid. Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That the resolutions of the 23d of April, 1784, relative to the subject of this ordinance, be, and the same are hereby, repealed, and declared null and void. Done by the United States, in Congress assembled, the 13th day of July, in the year of our Lord 1787, and of their sovereignty and independence the twelfth. <hr class="break" /> <div class="chapterhead"> 201 </div> <h2>CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES—1787.</h2> We the people of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America. <h3>ARTICLE I.</h3> Section. 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. Section. 2. 1 The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature. 2 No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty-five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. 202 3 [Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons.] The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New-York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 4 When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies. 5 The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment. Section. 3. 1 The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote. 2 Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of the 203 Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of the second year, of the second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one-third may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies. 3 No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of thi[r]ty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 4 The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided. 5 The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States. 6 The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present. 7 Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to 204 Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law. Section. 4. 1 The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators. 2 The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by Law appoint a different Day. Section. 5. 1 Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide. 2 Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Behavior, and, with the Concurrence of two thirds, expel a Member. 3 Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those present, be entered on the Journal. 4 Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. 205 Section. 6. 1 The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place. 2 No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been encreased during such time; and no Person holding any Office under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office. Section. 7. 1 All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills. 2 Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a 206 Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by Yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law. 3 Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill. Section. 8. 1 The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States; 2 To borrow Money on the credit of the United States; 3 To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes; 4 To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States; 5 To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of 207 foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures; 6 To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States; 7 To establish Post Offices and post Roads; 8 To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries; 9 To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court; 10 To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations; 11 To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water; 12 To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years; 13 To provide and maintain a Navy; 14 To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces; 15 To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions; 16 To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress; 17 To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases 208 whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;—And 18 To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof. Section. 9. 1 The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person. 2 The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it. 3 No Bill of Attainder or expost facto Law shall be passed. 4 No Capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion to the Census or Enumeration herein before directed to be taken. 5 No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State. 6 No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over 209 those of another; nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another. 7 No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time. 8 No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State. Section. 10. 1 No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility. 2 No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Controul of the Congress. 3 No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, 210 or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay. <h3>ARTICLE II.</h3> Section. 1. 1 The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same Term, be elected, as follows 2 Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector. 3 The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall be the same throughout the United States. 4 No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States. 5 In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, 211 Death, Resignation or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. 6 The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of them. 7 Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation:—“I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of the President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.” Section. 2. 1 The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment. 2 He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, 212 and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments. 3 The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session. Section. 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the Officers of the United States. Section. 4. The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. <h3>ARTICLE III.</h3> Section. 1. The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to 213 time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office. Section. 2. 1 The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;—to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;—to all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction;—to Controversies to which the United States shall be a Party;—to Controversies between two or more States;—between a State and Citizens of another State—between Citizens of different States,—between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects; 2 In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make. 3 The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed. Section. 3. 1 Treason against the United States, 214 shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court. 2 The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted. <h3>ARTICLE IV.</h3> Section. 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof. Section. 2. 1 The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States. 2 A person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of the Executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime. 3 No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due. 215 Section. 3. 1 New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. 2 The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State. Section. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence. <h3>ARTICLE V.</h3> The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may be 216 made prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate. <h3>ARTICLE. VI.</h3> 1 All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. 2 This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding. 3 The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States. <h3>ARTICLE VII.</h3> The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same. 217 Done in Convention by the Unanimous consent of the States present the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the Independence of the United States of America the Twelfth In witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our Names, GO: WASHINGTON— Presidt. and Deputy from Virginia. New Hampshire. John Langdon Nicholas Gilman Massachusetts. Nathaniel Gorham Rufus King Connecticut. Wm. Saml. Johnson Roger Sherman New York. Alexander Hamilton New Jersey. Wil: Livingston David Brearley Wm. Patterson Jona: Dayton Pennsylvania. B. Frnklin Thomas Mifflin Robt. Morris Geo. Clymer Thos. Fitzsimons Jared Ingersoll James Wilson Gouv Morris 218 Delaware. Geo: Read Gunning Bedford Jun John Dickerson Richard Bassett Jaco: Broom Maryland. James McHenry Dan of St Thos Jenifer Danl. Carroll Virginia. John Blair— James Madison Jr. North Carolina. Wm. Blount Richd. Dobbs Spaight Hu Williamson South Carolina. J. Rutledge Charles Cotesworth Pinckney Charles Pinckney Pierce Butler Georgia. William Few Abr Baldwin Attest William Jackson, Secretary <hr class="main" /> <div class="chapterhead"> 219 </div> <h2>BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE</h2> There are many comprehensive histories which include the period covered by the present volume, of which a few—without disparaging the others—are deserving of mention for some particular reason. David Ramsay’s History of the American Revolution, 2 vols. (1789, and subsequently reprinted), gives but little space to this particular period, but it reveals the contemporary point of view. Richard Hildreth’s History of the United States, 6 vols. (1849-1852), is another early work that is still of value, although it is written with a Federalist bias. J. B. McMaster’s History of the People of the United States from the Revolution to the Civil War, 8 vols. (1883-1913), presents a kaleidoscopic series of pictures gathered largely from contemporary newspapers, throwing light upon, and adding color to the story. E. M. Avery’s History of the United States, of which seven volumes have been published (1904-1910), is remarkable for its illustrations and reproductions of prints, documents, and maps. Edward Channing’s History of the United States, of which four volumes have appeared (1905-1917), is the latest, most readable, and probably the best of these comprehensive histories. Although it was subsequently published as Volume VI in a revised edition of his History of the United States 220 of America, George Bancroft’s History of the Formation of the Constitution, 2 vols. (1882), is really a separate work. The author appears at his best in these volumes and has never been entirely superseded by later writers. G. T. Curtis’s History of the Constitution of the United States, 2 vols. (1854), which also subsequently appeared as Volume I of his Constitutional History of the United States, is one of the standard works, but does not retain quite the same hold that Bancroft’s volumes do. Of the special works more nearly covering the same field as the present volume, A. C. McLaughlin’s The Confederation and the Constitution (1905), in the American Nation, is distinctly the best. John Fiske’s Critical Period of American History (1888), written with the clearness of presentation and charm of style which are characteristic of the author, is an interesting and readable comprehensive account. Richard Frothingham’s Rise of the Republic of the United States (1872; 6th ed. 1895), tracing the two ideas of local self-government and of union, begins with early colonial times and culminates in the Constitution. The treaty of peace opens up the whole field of diplomatic history, which has a bibliography of its own. But E. S. Corwin’s French Policy and the American Alliance (1916) should be mentioned as the latest and best work, although it lays more stress upon the phases indicated by the title. C. H. Van Tyne’s Loyalists in the American Revolution (1902) remains the standard work on this subject, but special studies are appearing from time to time which are changing our point of view. The following books on economic and industrial aspects are not for popular reading, but are rather for 221 reference: E. R. Johnson et al., History of the Domestic and Foreign Commerce of the United States, 2 vols. (1915); V. S. Clark, History of the Manufactures of the United States, 1607-1860 (1916). G. S. Callender has written short introductions to the various chapters of his Selections from the Economic History of the United States (1909), which are brilliant interpretations of great value. P. J. Treat’s The National Land System, 1785-1820 (1910), gives the most satisfactory account of the subject indicated by the title. Of entirely different character is Theodore Roosevelt’s Winning of the West, 4 vols. (1889-96; published subsequently in various editions), which is both scholarly and of fascinating interest on the subject of the early expansion into the West. On the most important subject of all, the formation of the Constitution, the material ordinarily wanted can be found in Max Farrand’s Records of the Federal Convention, 3 vols. (1910), and the author has summarized the results of his studies in The Framing of the Constitution (1913). C. A. Beard’s An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States (1913) gives some interesting and valuable facts regarding economic aspects of the formation of the Constitution, and particularly on the subject of investments in government securities. There is no satisfactory account of the adoption of the Constitution, but the debates in many of the State conventions are included in Jonathan Elliot’s Debates on the Federal Constitution, 5 vols. (1836-1845, subsequently reprinted in many editions). A few special works upon the adoption of the Constitution in the individual States may be mentioned: 222 H. B. Grigsby’s History of the Virginia Federal Convention of 1788, Virginia Historical Society Collections, N. S., IX and X (1890-91); McMaster and Stone’s Pennsylvania and the Federal Constitution, 1787-88 (1888); S. B. Harding’s Contest over the Ratification of the Federal Constitution in the State of Massachusetts (1896); O. G. Libby’s The Geographical Distribution of the Vote of the Thirteen States on the Federal Constitution, 1787-1788 (University of Wisconsin, Bulletin, Economics, Political Science, and History Series, I, No. 1, 1894). Contemporary differences of opinion upon the Constitution will be found in P. L. Ford’s Pamphlets on the Constitution, etc. (1888). The most valuable commentary on the Constitution, The Federalist, is to be found in several editions of which the more recent are by E. H. Scott (1895) and P. L. Ford (1898). A large part of the so-called original documents or first-hand sources of information is to be found in letters and private papers of prominent men. For most readers there is nothing better than the American Statesmen Series, from which the following might be selected: H. C. Lodge’s George Washington (2 vols., 1889) and Alexander Hamilton (1882); J. T. Morse’s Benjamin Franklin (1889), John Adams (1885), and Thomas Jefferson (1883); Theodore Roosevelt’s Gouverneur Morris, (1888). Other readable volumes are P. L. Ford’s The True George Washington (1896) and The Many-sided Franklin (1899); F. S. Oliver’s Alexander Hamilton, An Essay on American Union (New ed. London, 1907); W. G. Brown’s Life of Oliver Ellsworth (1905); A. McL. Hamilton’s The Intimate Life of Alexander Hamilton (1910); James Schouler’s Thomas Jefferson (1893); Gaillard Hunt’s Life of James Madison (1902). 223 Of the collections of documents it may be worth while to notice: Documentary History of the Constitution of the United States, 5 vols. (1894-1905); B. P. Poore’s Federal and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters, etc., 2 vols. (1877); F. N. Thorpe’s The Federal and State Constitutions, Colonial Charters, and other Organic Laws, 7 vols. (1909); and the Journals of the Continental Congress (1904-1914), edited from the original records in the Library of Congress by Worthington C. Ford and Gaillard Hunt, of which 23 volumes have appeared, bringing the records down through 1782. <hr /> <div class="chapterhead"> 225 </div> <h2> NOTES ON THE PORTRAITS OF MEMBERS OF THE FEDERAL CONVENTION WHO SIGNED THE CONSTITUTION </h2> <h3> By Victor Hugo Paltsis </h3> Forty signatures were attached to the Constitution of the United States in the Federal Convention on September 17, 1787, by thirty-nine delegates, representing twelve States, and the secretary of the Convention, as the attesting officer. George Washington, who signed as president of the Convention, was a delegate from Virginia. There are reproduced in this volume the effigies or pretended effigies of thirty-seven of them, from etchings by Albert Rosenthal in an extra-illustrated volume devoted to the Members of the Federal Convention, 1787, in the Thomas Addis Emmet Collection owned by the New York Public Library. The autographs are from the same source. This series presents no portraits of David Brearley of New Jersey, Thomas Fitzsimons of Pennsylvania, and Jacob Broom of Delaware. With respect to the others we give such information as Albert Rosenthal, the Philadelphia artist, inscribed on each portrait and also such other data as have been unearthed from the correspondence of Dr. Emmet, preserved in the Manuscript Division of the New York Public Library. Considerable controversy has raged, on and off, but especially of late, in regard to the painted and etched 226 portraits which Rosenthal produced nearly a generation ago, and in particular respecting portraits which were hung in Independence Hall, Philadelphia. Statements in the case by Rosenthal and by the late Charles Henry Hart are in the American Art News, March 3, 1917, p. 4. See also Hart’s paper on bogus American portraits in Annual Report, 1913, of the American Historical Association. To these may be added some interesting facts which are not sufficiently known by American students. In the ninth decade of the nineteenth century, principally from 1885 to 1888, a few collectors of American autographs united in an informal association which was sometimes called a “Club,” for the purpose of procuring portraits of American historical characters which they desired to associate with respective autographs as extra-illustrations. They were pioneers in their work and their purposes were honorable. They coöperated in effort and expenses, in a most commendable mutuality. Prime movers and workers were the late Dr. Emmet, of New York, and Simon Gratz, Esq., still active in Philadelphia. These men have done much to stimulate appreciation for and the preservation of the fundamental sources of American history. When they began, and for many years thereafter, not the same critical standards reigned among American historians, much less among American collectors, as the canons now require. The members of the “Club” entered into an extensive correspondence with the descendants of persons whose portraits they wished to trace and then have reproduced. They were sometimes misled by these descendants, who themselves, often great-grandchildren or 227 more removed by ties and time, assumed that a given portrait represented the particular person in demand, because in their own uncritical minds a tradition was as good as a fact. The members of the “Club,” then, did the best they could with the assistance and standards of their time. The following extract from a letter written by Gratz to Emmet, November 10, 1885, reveals much that should be better known. He wrote very frankly as follows: “What you say in regard to Rosenthal’s work is correct: but the fault is not his. Many of the photographs are utterly wanting in expression or character; and if the artist were to undertake to correct these deficiencies by making the portrait what he may suppose it should be, his production (while presenting a better appearance artistically) might be very much less of a likeness than the photograph from which he works. Rosenthal always shows me a rough proof of the unfinished etching, so that I may advise him as to corrections & additions which I may consider justifiable & advisable.” Other correspondence shows that Rosenthal received about twenty dollars for each plate which he etched for the “Club.” The following arrangement of data follows the order of the names as signed to the Constitution. The Emmet numbers identify the etchings in the bound volume from which they have been reproduced. 1. George Washington, President (also delegate from Virginia), Emmet 9497, inscribed “Joseph Wright Pinxit Phila. 1784. Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888. Aqua fortis.” <h3> NEW HAMPSHIRE </h3> 228 2. John Langdon, Emmet 9439, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888 after Painting by Trumbull.” Mr. Walter Langdon, of Hyde Park, N. Y., in January, 1885, sent to Dr. Emmet a photograph of a “portrait of Governor John Langdon LL.D.” An oil miniature painted on wood by Col. John Trumbull, in 1792, is in the Yale School of Fine Arts. There is also painting of Langdon in Independence Hall, by James Sharpless. 3. Nicholas Gilman, Emmet 9441, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888.” A drawing by the same artist formerly hung in Independence Hall. The two are not at all alike. No contemporary attribution is made and the Emmet correspondence reveals nothing. <h3> MASSACHUSETTS </h3> 4. Nathaniel Gorham, Emmet 9443. It was etched by Albert Rosenthal but without inscription of any kind or date. A painting by him, in likeness identical, formerly hung in Independence Hall. No evidence in Emmet correspondence. 5. Rufus King, Emmet 9445, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888 after Painting by Trumbull.” King was painted by Col. John Trumbull from life and the portrait is in the Yale School of Fine Arts. Gilbert Stuart painted a portrait of King and there is one by Charles Willson Peale in Independence Hall. <h3>CONNECTICUT</h3> 229 6. William Samuel Johnson, Emmet 9447, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888 from Painting by Gilbert Stuart.” A painting by Rosenthal after Stuart hung in Independence Hall. Stuart’s portrait of Dr. Johnson “was one of the first, if not the first, painted by Stuart after his return from England.” Dated on back 1792. Also copied by Graham.—Mason, Life of Stuart, 208. 7. Roger Sherman, Emmet 9449, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888 after Painting by Earle.” The identical portrait copied by Thomas Hicks, after Ralph Earle, is in Independence Hall. <h3> NEW YORK </h3> 8. Alexander Hamilton, Emmet 9452, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal 1888 after Trumbull.” A full length portrait, painted by Col. John Trumbull, is in the City Hall, New York. Other Hamilton portraits by Trumbull are in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, the Boston Museum of Art, and in private possession. <h3> NEW JERSEY </h3> 9. William Livingston, Emmet 9454, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila., 1888.” A similar portrait, painted by Rosenthal, formerly hung in Independence Hall. No correspondence relating to it is in the Emmet Collection. 230 10. David Brearley. There is no portrait. Emmet 9456 is a drawing of a Brearley coat-of-arms taken from a book-plate. 11. William Paterson, Emmet 9458, inscribed “Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888.” A painted portrait by an unknown artist was hung in Independence Hall. The Emmet correspondence reveals nothing. 12. Jonathan Dayton, Emmet 9460, inscribed “Albert Rosenthal.” A painting by Rosenthal also formerly hung in Independence Hall. The two are dissimilar. The etching is a profile, but the painting is nearly a full-face portrait. The Emmet correspondence reveals no evidence. <h3> PENNSYLVANIA </h3> 13. Benjamin Franklin, Emmet 9463, inscribed “C. W. Peale Pinxit. Albert Rosenthal Sc.” 14. Thomas Mifflin, Emmet 9466, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888 after Painting by Gilbert Stuart.” A portrait by Charles Willson Peale, in civilian dress, is in Independence Hall. The Stuart portrait shows Mifflin in military uniform. 15. Robert Morris, Emmet 9470, inscribed “Gilbert Stuart Pinxit. Albert Rosenthal Sc.” The original painting is in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Stuart painted Morris in 1795. A copy was owned by the late Charles Henry Hart; a replica also existed in the possession of Morris’s granddaughter.—Mason, Life of Stuart, 225. 231 16. George Clymer, Emmet 9475, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888 after Painting by C. W. Peale.” There is a similar type portrait, yet not identical, in Independence Hall, where the copy was attributed to Dalton Edward Marchant. 17. Thomas Fitzsimons. There is no portrait and the Emmet correspondence offers no information. 18. Jared Ingersoll, Emmet 9468, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal after Painting by C. W. Peale.” A portrait of the same origin, said to have been copied by George Lambdin, “after Rembrandt Peale,” hung in Independence Hall. 19. James Wilson, Emmet 9472, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal 1888.” Seems to have been derived from a painting by Charles Willson Peale in Independence Hall. 20. Gouverneur Morris, Emmet 9477, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888 after a copy by Marchant from Painting by T. Sully.” The Emmet correspondence has no reference to it. <h3> DELAWARE </h3> 21. George Read, Emmet 9479, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888.” There is in Emmet 9481 a stipple plate “Engraved by J. B. Longacre from a Painting by Pine.” It is upon the Longacre-Pine portrait that Rosenthal and others, like H. B. Hall, have depended for their portrait of Read. 232 22. Gunning Bedford, Jr., Emmet 9483, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888.” Rosenthal also painted a portrait, “after Charles Willson Peale,” for Independence Hall. The etching is the same portrait. On May 13, 1883, Mr. Simon Gratz wrote to Dr. Emmet: “A very fair lithograph can, I think, be made from the photograph of Gunning Bedford, Jun.; which I have just received from you. I shall call the artist’s attention to the excess of shadow on the cravat.” The source was a photograph furnished by the Bedford descendants. 23. John Dickinson, Emmet 9485, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888 after Painting by C. W. Peale.” The Peale painting is in Independence Hall. 24. Richard Bassett, Emmet 9487, inscribed “Albert Rosenthal.” There was also a painting by Rosenthal in Independence Hall. While similar in type, they are not identical. They vary in physiognomy and arrangement of hair. There is nothing in the Emmet correspondence about this portrait. 25. Jacob Broom. There is no portrait and no information in the Emmet correspondence. <h3> MARYLAND </h3> 26. James McHenry, Emmet 9490, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888.” Rosenthal also painted a portrait for Independence Hall “after Saint-Memin.” They are not alike. The 233 etching faces three-quarters to the right, whilst the St. Memin is a profile portrait. In January, 1885, Henry F. Thompson, of Baltimore, wrote to Dr. Emmet: “If you wish them, you can get Portraits and Memoirs of James McHenry and John E. Howard from their grandson J. Howard McHenry whose address is No. 48 Mount Vernon Place, Baltimore.” 27. Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, Emmet 9494, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888 after Trumbull.” Rosenthal also painted a portrait for Independence Hall. They are not identical. A drawn visage is presented in the latter. In January, 1885, Henry F. Thompson of Baltimore, wrote to Dr. Emmet: “Mr. Daniel Jenifer has a Portrait of his Grand Uncle Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer and will be glad to make arrangements for you to get a copy of it.… His address is No. 281 Linden Ave, Baltimore.” In June, of the same year, Simon Gratz wrote to Emmet: “The Dan. of St. Thos. Jenifer is so bad, that I am almost afraid to give it to Rosenthal. Have you a better photograph of this man (from the picture in Washington [sic.]), spoken of in one of your letters?” 28. Daniel Carroll, Emmet 9492, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal, Phila. 1888.” Henry F. Thompson, of Baltimore, in January, 1885, wrote to Dr. Emmet: “If you will write to Genl. John Carroll No. 61 Mount Vernon Place you can get a copy of Mr. Carroll’s (generally known as Barrister Carroll) Portrait.” <h3> VIRGINIA </h3> 234 29. John Blair, Emmet 9500, inscribed “Albert Rosenthal Etcher.” He also painted a portrait for Independence Hall. The two are of the same type but not alike. The etching is a younger looking picture. There is no evidence in the Emmet correspondence. 30. James Madison, Jr., Emmet 9502, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888 after Painting by G. Stuart.” Stuart painted several paintings of Madison, as shown in Mason, Life of Stuart, pp. 218-9. Possibly the Rosenthal etching was derived from the picture in the possession of the Coles family of Philadelphia. <h3> NORTH CAROLINA </h3> 31. William Blount, Emmet 9504, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888.” He also painted a portrait for Independence Hall. The two are alike. In November, 1885, Moses White, of Knoxville, Tenn., wrote thus: “Genl. Marcus J. Wright, published, last year, a life of Win. Blount, which contains a likeness of him.… This is the only likeness of Gov. Blount that I ever saw.” This letter was written to Mr. Bathurst L. Smith, who forwarded it to Dr. Emmet. 32. Richard Dobbs Spaight, Emmet 9506, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1887.” In Independence Hall is a portrait painted by James Sharpless. On comparison these two are of the same type but not alike. The 235 etching presents an older facial appearance. On November 8, 1886, Gen. John Meredith Read, writing from Paris, said he had found in the possession of his friend in Paris, J. R. D. Shepard, “St. Memin’s engraving of his great-grandfather Governor Spaight of North Carolina.” In 1887 and 1888, Dr. Emmet and Mr. Gratz were jointly interested in having Albert Rosenthal engrave for them a portrait of Spaight. On December 9, 1887, Gratz wrote to Emmet: “Spaight is worthy of being etched; though I can scarcely agree with you that our lithograph is not a portrait of the M. O. C. Is it taken from the original Sharpless portrait, which hangs in our old State House? … However if you are sure you have the right man in the photograph sent, we can afford to ignore the lithograph.” 33. Hugh Williamson, Emmet 9508, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal after Painting by J. Trumbull Phila. 1888,” Rosenthal also painted a copy “after John Wesley Jarvis” for Independence Hall. The two are undoubtedly from the same original source. The Emmet correspondence presents no information on this subject. <h3> SOUTH CAROLINA </h3> 34. John Rutledge, Emmet 9510, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888 after J. Trumbull.” The original painting was owned by the Misses Rutledge, of Charleston, S. C. 236 35. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Emmet 9512, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888. Painting by Trumbull.” An oil miniature on wood was painted by Col. John Trumbull, in 1791, which is in the Yale School of Fine Arts. Pinckney was also painted by Gilbert Stuart and the portrait was owned by the family at Runnymeade, S. C. Trumbull’s portrait shows a younger face. 36. Charles Pinckney, Emmet 9514, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888.” He also painted a portrait for Independence Hall. They are alike. In the Emmet correspondence the following information, furnished to Dr. Emmet, is found: “Chas. Pinckney—Mr. Henry L. Pinckney of Stateburg [S. C.] has a picture of Gov. Pinckney.” The owner of this portrait was a grandson of the subject. On January 12, 1885, P. G. De Saussure wrote to Emmet: “Half an hour ago I received from the Photographer two of the Pictures [one being] Charles Pinckney copied from a portrait owned by Mr. L. Pinckney—who lives in Stateburg, S. C.” The owner had put the portrait at Dr. Emmet’s disposal, in a letter of December 4, 1884, in which he gave its dimensions as “about 3 ft. nearly square,” and added, “it is very precious to me.” 37. Pierce Butler, Emmet 9516, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888.” He also painted a portrait for Independence Hall. They are dissimilar and dubious. Three letters in the Emmet correspondence refer to 237 the Butler portraiture. On January 31, 1887, Mrs. Sarah B. Wister, of Philadelphia, wrote to Dr. Emmet: “I enclose photograph copies of two miniatures of Maj. Butler wh. Mr. Louis Butler [a bachelor then over seventy years old living in Paris, France] gave me not long ago: I did not know of their existence until 1882, & never heard of any likeness of my great-grandfather, except an oil-portrait wh. was last seen more than thirty years ago in a lumber room in his former house at the n. w. corner of 8th & Chestnut streets [Phila.], since then pulled down.” On February 8th, Mrs. Wister wrote: “I am not surprised that the two miniatures do not strike you as being of the same person. Yet I believe there is no doubt of it; my cousin had them from his father who was Maj. Butler’s son. The more youthful one is evidently by a poor artist, & therefore probably was a poor likeness.” In her third letter to Dr. Emmet, on April 5, 1888, Mrs. Wister wrote: “I sent you back the photo. from the youthful miniature of Maj. Butler & regret very much that I have no copy of the other left; but four sets were made of wh. I sent you one & gave the others to his few living descendants. I regret this all the more as I am reluctant to trust the miniature again to a photographer. I live out of town so that there is some trouble in sending & calling for them; (I went personally last time, & there are no other likenesses of my great grandfather extant.)” <h3> GEORGIA </h3> 238 38. William Few, Emmet 9518, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888.” He also painted a portrait “after John Ramage,” for Independence Hall. They are identical. 39. Abraham Baldwin, Emmet 9520, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888.” There is also a painting “after Fulton” in Independence Hall. They are of the same type but not exactly alike, yet likely from the same original. The variations may be just artist’s vagaries. There is no information in the Emmet correspondence. 40. William Jackson, Secretary, Emmet 9436, inscribed “Etched by Albert Rosenthal Phila. 1888 after Painting by J. Trumbull.” Rosenthal also painted a copy after Trumbull for Independence Hall. They are identical. <hr /> <div style="break-after:column;"></div>

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