<p><SPAN name="link472HCH0006" id="link472HCH0006"></SPAN></p>
<h2> Chapter XLVII: Ecclesiastical Discord.—Part VI. </h2>
<p>A more important conquest still remained, of the patriarch, the oracle and
leader of the Egyptian church. Theodosius had resisted the threats and
promises of Justinian with the spirit of an apostle or an enthusiast.
"Such," replied the patriarch, "were the offers of the tempter when he
showed the kingdoms of the earth. But my soul is far dearer to me than
life or dominion. The churches are in the hands of a prince who can kill
the body; but my conscience is my own; and in exile, poverty, or chains, I
will steadfastly adhere to the faith of my holy predecessors, Athanasius,
Cyril, and Dioscorus. Anathema to the tome of Leo and the synod of
Chalcedon! Anathema to all who embrace their creed! Anathema to them now
and forevermore! Naked came I out of my mother's womb, naked shall I
descend into the grave. Let those who love God follow me and seek their
salvation." After comforting his brethren, he embarked for Constantinople,
and sustained, in six successive interviews, the almost irresistible
weight of the royal presence. His opinions were favorably entertained in
the palace and the city; the influence of Theodora assured him a safe
conduct and honorable dismission; and he ended his days, though not on the
throne, yet in the bosom, of his native country. On the news of his death,
Apollinaris indecently feasted the nobles and the clergy; but his joy was
checked by the intelligence of a new election; and while he enjoyed the
wealth of Alexandria, his rivals reigned in the monasteries of Thebais,
and were maintained by the voluntary oblations of the people. A perpetual
succession of patriarchs arose from the ashes of Theodosius; and the
Monophysite churches of Syria and Egypt were united by the name of
Jacobites and the communion of the faith. But the same faith, which has
been confined to a narrow sect of the Syrians, was diffused over the mass
of the Egyptian or Coptic nation; who, almost unanimously, rejected the
decrees of the synod of Chalcedon. A thousand years were now elapsed since
Egypt had ceased to be a kingdom, since the conquerors of Asia and Europe
had trampled on the ready necks of a people, whose ancient wisdom and
power ascend beyond the records of history. The conflict of zeal and
persecution rekindled some sparks of their national spirit. They abjured,
with a foreign heresy, the manners and language of the Greeks: every
Melchite, in their eyes, was a stranger, every Jacobite a citizen; the
alliance of marriage, the offices of humanity, were condemned as a deadly
sin the natives renounced all allegiance to the emperor; and his orders,
at a distance from Alexandria, were obeyed only under the pressure of
military force. A generous effort might have edeemed the religion and
liberty of Egypt, and her six hundred monasteries might have poured forth
their myriads of holy warriors, for whom death should have no terrors,
since life had no comfort or delight. But experience has proved the
distinction of active and passive courage; the fanatic who endures without
a groan the torture of the rack or the stake, would tremble and fly before
the face of an armed enemy. The pusillanimous temper of the Egyptians
could only hope for a change of masters; the arms of Chosroes depopulated
the land, yet under his reign the Jacobites enjoyed a short and precarious
respite. The victory of Heraclius renewed and aggravated the persecution,
and the patriarch again escaped from Alexandria to the desert. In his
flight, Benjamin was encouraged by a voice, which bade him expect, at the
end of ten years, the aid of a foreign nation, marked, like the Egyptians
themselves, with the ancient rite of circumcision. The character of these
deliverers, and the nature of the deliverance, will be hereafter
explained; and I shall step over the interval of eleven centuries to
observe the present misery of the Jacobites of Egypt. The populous city of
Cairo affords a residence, or rather a shelter, for their indigent
patriarch, and a remnant of ten bishops; forty monasteries have survived
the inroads of the Arabs; and the progress of servitude and apostasy has
reduced the Coptic nation to the despicable number of twenty-five or
thirty thousand families; <SPAN href="#link47note-148"
name="link47noteref-148" id="link47noteref-148">148</SPAN> a race of
illiterate beggars, whose only consolation is derived from the superior
wretchedness of the Greek patriarch and his diminutive congregation. <SPAN href="#link47note-149" name="link47noteref-149" id="link47noteref-149">149</SPAN></p>
<p><SPAN name="link47note-148" id="link47note-148">
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<p class="foot">
148 (<SPAN href="#link47noteref-148">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ This number is taken
from the curious Recherches sur les Egyptiens et les Chinois, (tom. ii. p.
192, 193,) and appears more probable than the 600,000 ancient, or 15,000
modern, Copts of Gemelli Carreri Cyril Lucar, the Protestant patriarch of
Constantinople, laments that those heretics were ten times more numerous
than his orthodox Greeks, ingeniously applying Homer, (Iliad, ii. 128,)
the most perfect expression of contempt, (Fabric. Lux Evangelii, 740.)]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link47note-149" id="link47note-149">
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<p class="foot">
149 (<SPAN href="#link47noteref-149">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ The history of the
Copts, their religion, manners, &c., may be found in the Abbe
Renaudot's motley work, neither a translation nor an original; the
Chronicon Orientale of Peter, a Jacobite; in the two versions of Abraham
Ecchellensis, Paris, 1651; and John Simon Asseman, Venet. 1729. These
annals descend no lower than the xiiith century. The more recent accounts
must be searched for in the travellers into Egypt and the Nouveaux
Memoires des Missions du Levant. In the last century, Joseph Abudacnus, a
native of Cairo, published at Oxford, in thirty pages, a slight Historia
Jacobitarum, 147, post p.150]</p>
<p>VI. The Coptic patriarch, a rebel to the Caesars, or a slave to the
khalifs, still gloried in the filial obedience of the kings of Nubia and
Aethiopia. He repaid their homage by magnifying their greatness; and it
was boldly asserted that they could bring into the field a hundred
thousand horse, with an equal number of camels; <SPAN href="#link47note-150"
name="link47noteref-150" id="link47noteref-150">150</SPAN> that their hand
could pour out or restrain the waters of the Nile; <SPAN href="#link47note-151" name="link47noteref-151" id="link47noteref-151">151</SPAN>
and the peace and plenty of Egypt was obtained, even in this world, by the
intercession of the patriarch. In exile at Constantinople, Theodosius
recommended to his patroness the conversion of the black nations of Nubia,
from the tropic of Cancer to the confines of Abyssinia. <SPAN href="#link47note-152" name="link47noteref-152" id="link47noteref-152">152</SPAN>
Her design was suspected and emulated by the more orthodox emperor. The
rival missionaries, a Melchite and a Jacobite, embarked at the same time;
but the empress, from a motive of love or fear, was more effectually
obeyed; and the Catholic priest was detained by the president of Thebais,
while the king of Nubia and his court were hastily baptized in the faith
of Dioscorus. The tardy envoy of Justinian was received and dismissed with
honor: but when he accused the heresy and treason of the Egyptians, the
negro convert was instructed to reply that he would never abandon his
brethren, the true believers, to the persecuting ministers of the synod of
Chalcedon. <SPAN href="#link47note-153" name="link47noteref-153" id="link47noteref-153">153</SPAN> During several ages, the bishops of Nubia
were named and consecrated by the Jacobite patriarch of Alexandria: as
late as the twelfth century, Christianity prevailed; and some rites, some
ruins, are still visible in the savage towns of Sennaar and Dongola. <SPAN href="#link47note-154" name="link47noteref-154" id="link47noteref-154">154</SPAN>
But the Nubians at length executed their threats of returning to the
worship of idols; the climate required the indulgence of polygamy, and
they have finally preferred the triumph of the Koran to the abasement of
the Cross. A metaphysical religion may appear too refined for the capacity
of the negro race: yet a black or a parrot might be taught to repeat the
words of the Chalcedonian or Monophysite creed.</p>
<p><SPAN name="link47note-150" id="link47note-150">
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<p class="foot">
150 (<SPAN href="#link47noteref-150">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ About the year 737.
See Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex p. 221, 222. Elmacin, Hist. Saracen.
p. 99.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link47note-151" id="link47note-151">
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<p class="foot">
151 (<SPAN href="#link47noteref-151">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ Ludolph. Hist.
Aethiopic. et Comment. l. i. c. 8. Renaudot Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 480,
&c. This opinion, introduced into Egypt and Europe by the artifice of
the Copts, the pride of the Abyssinians, the fear and ignorance of the
Turks and Arabs, has not even the semblance of truth. The rains of
Aethiopia do not, in the increase of the Nile, consult the will of the
monarch. If the river approaches at Napata within three days' journey of
the Red Sea (see D'Anville's Maps,) a canal that should divert its course
would demand, and most probably surpass, the power of the Caesars.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link47note-152" id="link47note-152">
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<p class="foot">
152 (<SPAN href="#link47noteref-152">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ The Abyssinians, who
still preserve the features and olive complexion of the Arabs, afford a
proof that two thousand years are not sufficient to change the color of
the human race. The Nubians, an African race, are pure negroes, as black
as those of Senegal or Congo, with flat noses, thick lips, and woolly
hair, (Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. v. p. 117, 143, 144, 166, 219, edit.
in 12mo., Paris, 1769.) The ancients beheld, without much attention, the
extraordinary phenomenon which has exercised the philosophers and
theologians of modern times]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link47note-153" id="link47note-153">
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<p class="foot">
153 (<SPAN href="#link47noteref-153">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ Asseman. Bibliot.
Orient. tom. i. p. 329.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link47note-154" id="link47note-154">
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<p class="foot">
154 (<SPAN href="#link47noteref-154">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ The Christianity of
the Nubians (A.D. 1153) is attested by the sheriff al Edrisi, falsely
described under the name of the Nubian geographer, (p. 18,) who represents
them as a nation of Jacobites. The rays of historical light that twinkle
in the history of Ranaudot (p. 178, 220—224, 281—286, 405,
434, 451, 464) are all previous to this aera. See the modern state in the
Lettres Edifiantes (Recueil, iv.) and Busching, (tom. ix. p. 152—139,
par Berenger.)]</p>
<p>Christianity was more deeply rooted in the Abyssinian empire; and,
although the correspondence has been sometimes interrupted above seventy
or a hundred years, the mother-church of Alexandria retains her colony in
a state of perpetual pupilage. Seven bishops once composed the Aethiopic
synod: had their number amounted to ten, they might have elected an
independent primate; and one of their kings was ambitious of promoting his
brother to the ecclesiastical throne. But the event was foreseen, the
increase was denied: the episcopal office has been gradually confined to
the abuna, <SPAN href="#link47note-155" name="link47noteref-155" id="link47noteref-155">155</SPAN> the head and author of the Abyssinian
priesthood; the patriarch supplies each vacancy with an Egyptian monk; and
the character of a stranger appears more venerable in the eyes of the
people, less dangerous in those of the monarch. In the sixth century, when
the schism of Egypt was confirmed, the rival chiefs, with their patrons,
Justinian and Theodora, strove to outstrip each other in the conquest of a
remote and independent province. The industry of the empress was again
victorious, and the pious Theodora has established in that sequestered
church the faith and discipline of the Jacobites. <SPAN href="#link47note-156"
name="link47noteref-156" id="link47noteref-156">156</SPAN> Encompassed on all
sides by the enemies of their religion, the Aethiopians slept near a
thousand years, forgetful of the world, by whom they were forgotten. They
were awakened by the Portuguese, who, turning the southern promontory of
Africa, appeared in India and the Red Sea, as if they had descended
through the air from a distant planet. In the first moments of their
interview, the subjects of Rome and Alexandria observed the resemblance,
rather than the difference, of their faith; and each nation expected the
most important benefits from an alliance with their Christian brethren. In
their lonely situation, the Aethiopians had almost relapsed into the
savage life. Their vessels, which had traded to Ceylon, scarcely presumed
to navigate the rivers of Africa; the ruins of Axume were deserted, the
nation was scattered in villages, and the emperor, a pompous name, was
content, both in peace and war, with the immovable residence of a camp.
Conscious of their own indigence, the Abyssinians had formed the rational
project of importing the arts and ingenuity of Europe; <SPAN href="#link47note-157" name="link47noteref-157" id="link47noteref-157">157</SPAN>
and their ambassadors at Rome and Lisbon were instructed to solicit a
colony of smiths, carpenters, tilers, masons, printers, surgeons, and
physicians, for the use of their country. But the public danger soon
called for the instant and effectual aid of arms and soldiers, to defend
an unwarlike people from the Barbarians who ravaged the inland country and
the Turks and Arabs who advanced from the sea-coast in more formidable
array. Aethiopia was saved by four hundred and fifty Portuguese, who
displayed in the field the native valor of Europeans, and the artificial
power of the musket and cannon. In a moment of terror, the emperor had
promised to reconcile himself and his subjects to the Catholic faith; a
Latin patriarch represented the supremacy of the pope: <SPAN href="#link47note-158" name="link47noteref-158" id="link47noteref-158">158</SPAN>
the empire, enlarged in a tenfold proportion, was supposed to contain more
gold than the mines of America; and the wildest hopes of avarice and zeal
were built on the willing submission of the Christians of Africa.</p>
<p><SPAN name="link47note-155" id="link47note-155">
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<p class="foot">
155 (<SPAN href="#link47noteref-155">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ The abuna is
improperly dignified by the Latins with the title of patriarch. The
Abyssinians acknowledge only the four patriarchs, and their chief is no
more than a metropolitan or national primate, (Ludolph. Hist. Aethiopic.
et Comment. l. iii. c. 7.) The seven bishops of Renaudot, (p. 511,) who
existed A.D. 1131, are unknown to the historian.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link47note-156" id="link47note-156">
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<p class="foot">
156 (<SPAN href="#link47noteref-156">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ I know not why
Assemannus (Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii. p. 384) should call in question
these probable missions of Theodora into Nubia and Aethiopia. The slight
notices of Abyssinia till the year 1500 are supplied by Renaudot (p.
336-341, 381, 382, 405, 443, &c., 452, 456, 463, 475, 480, 511, 525,
559—564) from the Coptic writers. The mind of Ludolphus was a
perfect blank.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link47note-157" id="link47note-157">
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<p class="foot">
157 (<SPAN href="#link47noteref-157">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ Ludolph. Hist.
Aethiop. l. iv. c. 5. The most necessary arts are now exercised by the
Jews, and the foreign trade is in the hands of the Armenians. What Gregory
principally admired and envied was the industry of Europe—artes et
opificia.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link47note-158" id="link47note-158">
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<p class="foot">
158 (<SPAN href="#link47noteref-158">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ John Bermudez, whose
relation, printed at Lisbon, 1569, was translated into English by Purchas,
(Pilgrims, l. vii. c. 7, p. 1149, &c.,) and from thence into French by
La Croze, (Christianisme d'Ethiopie, p. 92—265.) The piece is
curious; but the author may be suspected of deceiving Abyssinia, Rome, and
Portugal. His title to the rank of patriarch is dark and doubtful,
(Ludolph. Comment. No. 101, p. 473.)]</p>
<p>But the vows which pain had extorted were forsworn on the return of
health. The Abyssinians still adhered with unshaken constancy to the
Monophysite faith; their languid belief was inflamed by the exercise of
dispute; they branded the Latins with the names of Arians and Nestorians,
and imputed the adoration of four gods to those who separated the two
natures of Christ. Fremona, a place of worship, or rather of exile, was
assigned to the Jesuit missionaries. Their skill in the liberal and
mechanic arts, their theological learning, and the decency of their
manners, inspired a barren esteem; but they were not endowed with the gift
of miracles, <SPAN href="#link47note-159" name="link47noteref-159" id="link47noteref-159">159</SPAN> and they vainly solicited a reenforcement
of European troops. The patience and dexterity of forty years at length
obtained a more favorable audience, and two emperors of Abyssinia were
persuaded that Rome could insure the temporal and everlasting happiness of
her votaries. The first of these royal converts lost his crown and his
life; and the rebel army was sanctified by the abuna, who hurled an
anathema at the apostate, and absolved his subjects from their oath of
fidelity. The fate of Zadenghel was revenged by the courage and fortune of
Susneus, who ascended the throne under the name of Segued, and more
vigorously prosecuted the pious enterprise of his kinsman. After the
amusement of some unequal combats between the Jesuits and his illiterate
priests, the emperor declared himself a proselyte to the synod of
Chalcedon, presuming that his clergy and people would embrace without
delay the religion of their prince. The liberty of choice was succeeded by
a law, which imposed, under pain of death, the belief of the two natures
of Christ: the Abyssinians were enjoined to work and to play on the
Sabbath; and Segued, in the face of Europe and Africa, renounced his
connection with the Alexandrian church. A Jesuit, Alphonso Mendez, the
Catholic patriarch of Aethiopia, accepted, in the name of Urban VIII., the
homage and abjuration of the penitent. "I confess," said the emperor on
his knees, "I confess that the pope is the vicar of Christ, the successor
of St. Peter, and the sovereign of the world. To him I swear true
obedience, and at his feet I offer my person and kingdom." A similar oath
was repeated by his son, his brother, the clergy, the nobles, and even the
ladies of the court: the Latin patriarch was invested with honors and
wealth; and his missionaries erected their churches or citadels in the
most convenient stations of the empire. The Jesuits themselves deplore the
fatal indiscretion of their chief, who forgot the mildness of the gospel
and the policy of his order, to introduce with hasty violence the liturgy
of Rome and the inquisition of Portugal. He condemned the ancient practice
of circumcision, which health, rather than superstition, had first
invented in the climate of Aethiopia. <SPAN href="#link47note-160"
name="link47noteref-160" id="link47noteref-160">160</SPAN> A new baptism, a
new ordination, was inflicted on the natives; and they trembled with
horror when the most holy of the dead were torn from their graves, when
the most illustrious of the living were excommunicated by a foreign
priest. In the defense of their religion and liberty, the Abyssinians rose
in arms, with desperate but unsuccessful zeal. Five rebellions were
extinguished in the blood of the insurgents: two abunas were slain in
battle, whole legions were slaughtered in the field, or suffocated in
their caverns; and neither merit, nor rank, nor sex, could save from an
ignominious death the enemies of Rome. But the victorious monarch was
finally subdued by the constancy of the nation, of his mother, of his son,
and of his most faithful friends. Segued listened to the voice of pity, of
reason, perhaps of fear: and his edict of liberty of conscience instantly
revealed the tyranny and weakness of the Jesuits. On the death of his
father, Basilides expelled the Latin patriarch, and restored to the wishes
of the nation the faith and the discipline of Egypt. The Monophysite
churches resounded with a song of triumph, "that the sheep of Aethiopia
were now delivered from the hyaenas of the West;" and the gates of that
solitary realm were forever shut against the arts, the science, and the
fanaticism of Europe. <SPAN href="#link47note-161" name="link47noteref-161" id="link47noteref-161">161</SPAN></p>
<p><SPAN name="link47note-159" id="link47note-159">
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<p class="foot">
159 (<SPAN href="#link47noteref-159">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ Religio Romana...nec
precibus patrum nec miraculis ab ipsis editis suffulciebatur, is the
uncontradicted assurance of the devout emperor Susneus to his patriarch
Mendez, (Ludolph. Comment. No. 126, p. 529;) and such assurances should be
preciously kept, as an antidote against any marvellous legends.]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link47note-160" id="link47note-160">
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<p class="foot">
160 (<SPAN href="#link47noteref-160">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ I am aware how tender
is the question of circumcision. Yet I will affirm, 1. That the
Aethiopians have a physical reason for the circumcision of males, and even
of females, (Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains, tom. ii.) 2.
That it was practised in Aethiopia long before the introduction of Judaism
or Christianity, (Herodot. l. ii. c. 104. Marsham, Canon. Chron. p. 72,
73.) "Infantes circumcidunt ob consuetudinemn, non ob Judaismum," says
Gregory the Abyssinian priest, (apud Fabric. Lux Christiana, p. 720.) Yet
in the heat of dispute, the Portuguese were sometimes branded with the
name of uncircumcised, (La Croze, p. 90. Ludolph. Hist. and Comment. l.
iii. c. l.)]</p>
<p><SPAN name="link47note-161" id="link47note-161">
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<p class="foot">
161 (<SPAN href="#link47noteref-161">return</SPAN>)<br/> [ The three Protestant
historians, Ludolphus, (Hist. Aethiopica, Francofurt. 1681; Commentarius,
1691; Relatio Nova, &c., 1693, in folio,) Geddes, (Church History of
Aethiopia, London, 1696, in 8vo..) and La Croze, (Hist. du Christianisme
d'Ethiopie et d'Armenie, La Haye, 1739, in 12mo.,) have drawn their
principal materials from the Jesuits, especially from the General History
of Tellez, published in Portuguese at Coimbra, 1660. We might be surprised
at their frankness; but their most flagitious vice, the spirit of
persecution, was in their eyes the most meritorious virtue. Ludolphus
possessed some, though a slight, advantage from the Aethiopic language,
and the personal conversation of Gregory, a free-spirited Abyssinian
priest, whom he invited from Rome to the court of Saxe-Gotha. See the
Theologia Aethiopica of Gregory, in (Fabric. Lux Evangelii, p. 716—734.)
* Note: The travels of Bruce, illustrated by those of Mr. Salt, and the
narrative of Nathaniel Pearce, have brought us again acquainted with this
remote region. Whatever may be their speculative opinions the barbarous
manners of the Ethiopians seem to be gaining more and more the ascendency
over the practice of Christianity.—M.]</p>
<p><br/></p>
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