<h2><SPAN name="IX" id="IX"></SPAN>IX</h2>
<h3>STUPIDITY</h3>
<div class="blockquot"><p>"Surely honest men may thank God they belong to 'the
Stupid Party'!"—<i>The Spectator</i>, March 28, 1914.</p>
</div>
<p>It is a terrible thing to boast of stupidity, even in
irony. It is a still more terrible thing to associate
stupidity with honesty. There is a good deal to
be said in favour of honesty, but stupidity in the
garb of honesty is the merest masquerader. There
was once a member of a local body whom I heard
praised in the words: "He's the only honest man
in the Corporation, and that is because he is too
stupid to be anything else." I doubt if predestined
honesty of this sort is entitled to a statue. It has
its public uses, no doubt, as an occasional stumbling-block
to those who traffic both in their own
and other people's virtue. Here, at least, is virtue
that cannot be bought at a crisis. On the other
hand, it does not withstand the temptations of
gold a bit more sturdily than it withstands the
appeals of reason. It will not move either for a
thousand pounds or for the Archangel Gabriel.<span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</SPAN></span>
It bars the way to Heaven and the road to Hell
impartially. It has the unbudgeableness of the
ass rather than the adaptability which enables
human beings to survive on this wrinkled planet.
Even so, one may admit a sneaking respect and
affection for honest stupid people in private life.
It is when they feel called upon to devote their
combined honesty and stupidity to public affairs
that one begins to tremble and to wonder whether,
after all, an honest fool or a clever rogue is likely
to do better service to the State. Oscar Wilde
once said it was well that good people did not live
to see the evil results of their goodness and that
wicked people did not live to see the good results
of their wickedness. This is true, perhaps, no
matter how cunning one may be in one's virtue
or how provident in one's vices. But it is especially
true of that blind and bigoted honesty which
cannot see farther than its nose. I know a town
where the lamplighter twenty years ago was an
honest old man of the blind and bigoted type.
It was his duty to go out and light the lamps of
the little town on every night when there was no
moon. One month, however, it was noticed that
all the lamps were alight while the moon was
blazing, and that when the moon was dark the lamps
were dark too. The old man was called before<span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</SPAN></span>
the town committee to account for his disobedience
to orders. Instead of apologising, however, he
firmly insisted that he had done his duty, and
produced a calendar to prove that there was no
moon on the nights on which everybody had seen
it shining, and that it might have reasonably been
expected to shine on the nights on which it was
obscured. He was asked why he did not trust
his eyes, but he said that he always went by the
calendar, and he would not yield an inch of his
position till someone took the calendar from him
and noticed that it was not even a current one,
but a calendar of the previous year. There, I
think, is a dramatisation of a very common form
of honesty. It is as common among Cabinet
Ministers and Churchmen as among aged lamplighters.
It expresses itself in adherence not only
to antiquated Mother Seigel calendars but to
constitutions and confessions of faith that have
lost their meaning. Whether this can justly be
called honesty at all is a question with something
to be said on both sides. It is certainly stupidity
of the very best quality.</p>
<p>One of the reasons why one rather disbelieves
in reverencing stupidity is that it is not always as
honest as it looks. It is often an armour instinctively,
if not deliberately, put on by comfortable<span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</SPAN></span>
people. This kind of stupidity has sometimes
been attributed to excessive eating and drinking,
as when Holinshed wrote of the sixteenth-century
Scots that "they far exceed us in overmuch and
distemperate gormandise, and so engross their
bodies that diverse of them do oft become unapt
to any other purpose than to spend their times
in large tabling and belly cheer." But I have
known gluttons who have yet had all their wits
about them and ladies who could hardly get
through the wing of a chicken and were nevertheless
as stupid as a prize cat blinking beside the
fire. There is more in it than the stomach.
Stupidity of the kind I mean is really an ingeniously
built castle with moat and drawbridge to guard
against the entrance of the facts of life—at least,
of the disagreeable facts of life. It is by a perfect
network of castles of this kind that so many feudal
privileges have been kept alive generations after
anyone defends the idea of feudalism. Against
stupidity, it has been said, the gods themselves
fight in vain, and it is hardly to be wondered at
that democracy also falls back from the impassive
walls of those old castles like a broken tide. It is
only fair to say, however, that again and again
different noble inmates—how suggestive a word—of
the castles have refused to shelter themselves<span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</SPAN></span>
behind the drawbridge of stupidity and have even
offered to lead the people in an assault on castles
in general. It is then usually discovered that the
people, too, have their dear retreat of stupidity to
which they fly on the first hint of a raid upon
Utopia. The stupidity of the underfed is an even
more desperate thing than the stupidity of the
overfed, and, when a castellan offers his sword to
their cause, they merely look at each other and ask
darkly: "What's he going to get out of it?"
It is the popular stupidity which led Mr Shaw the
other day to observe that he had more hope
of converting a millionaire than a millionaire's
chauffeur to Socialism. Certainly it is the stupid
in the back streets who make the stupid in the
castles secure. The latter see in the former, indeed,
not only their first line of defence, but their justification.
They see their justification, however,
in everything and everybody. They wrap themselves
up in little comforting thoughts that the poor
do not feel things as the respectable do. I have
heard a comfortable artist, for instance, in winter,
arguing that there was no need to pity a blind
beggar shivering at a street-corner. "Each of
us is kept warm," he declared, "by a little stove
in his stomach, and you would be surprised to know
how little it takes to keep a man like that's stove<span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</SPAN></span>
alight. You see, he's been training himself all
his life to do with very little food and very little
clothing and to sit out in all kinds of weather.
A fall in the temperature that would paralyse you or
me would affect him hardly more than a fall in the
price of champagne. You see, he's learned to do
without things." There was almost a note of envy
in his voice for the man who had learned to do
without things—without soap, and meat, and
blankets, and clothes-brushes, and servants, and
fires, and sunshine. That seems to be one of the
favourite hypocrisies of the stupid, the pretence of
envying the poor. I have seen a merchant grow
suddenly eloquent as he described the happy lot
of the working-man, who had nothing to do but
draw his wages, and compared it with the anxious
life of the employer, who had all the cares and
responsibilities of the business on his shoulders.
The rich never feel so good as when they are speaking
of their possessions as responsibilities. Hear
a mistress set forth the advantages of the life of a
servant-girl—how she not only gets higher wages
than servants ever got before, but think of the
food, and no rent to pay! She even becomes
mawkish over the fortune of a girl who is too poor
to be called upon to pay rates and taxes. Alas,
these idylls of the kitchen are all written in the<span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</SPAN></span>
drawing-room. If a servant's life were all a matter
of freedom from rent and rates and taxes and the
worries of making both ends meet on a thousand
a year, the idylls would be apt enough; but it
is just possible that even to make both ends meet
on twenty-five pounds a year may have its own
difficulties. Certainly one has a right to suspect
these ladies who glorify the life of the cook and the
parlour-maid. I will refuse to believe in them till
I hear that one of them has run away from her
husband to take one of those sinecures advertised
in the domestic service columns of the <i>Morning
Post</i>. But, perhaps, their sense of duty is too
strong to allow them to fly from their responsibilities
in that way.</p>
<p>Stupidity might be defined as resignation to
other people's misfortunes. Alternatively, it is a
way of regarding comforts as responsibilities and of
getting out of one's uncomfortable responsibilities
altogether. There is no greater enemy of change.
For, granted enough stupidity, it is easy to believe
that Hell itself is Heaven. It is the stupidity of
the rich, rather than deliberate heartlessness, that
permits so many of them to live cheerfully on ill-paid
labour and slum rents. Fortunately the
cheerful dullness of rich people is rarer than it was
a century ago. Then it was reinforced by political<span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</SPAN></span>
economy which regarded transactions in human
beings in much the same light as transactions in
pounds of tea. Our first awakening to the right
of other people to live happened just before we
gave up cannibalism. The second happened just
before we gave up slavery. The third will happen
just before we give up capitalism. Obviously, it
is only our stupidity which enables us to go on
putting the rights of Tom, Dick, and Harry before
the rights of the race. It is only our stupidity
which makes us believe that, while it is right that
superfluous wealth should be taxed a shilling in the
pound for the good of all, it would be robbery to
tax it ten shillings in the pound for the good of all.
The first statesman who levied the first tax thereby
announced the dual ownership of property between
the citizen and the State. He vindicated the right
of the State, representing the common good, as
against the individual, representing only his
private good, to a first share in property. The
income-tax stands for exactly the same principle
in regard to State rights as would the nationalisation
of the land or the railways. As we grow less stupid,
we shall gradually awake to the fact that there is
no right to food and shelter and State benevolence
that we possess which our neighbours ought not
also in justice to possess. We shall gradually<span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</SPAN></span>
understand, for instance, that it is not worth while
that a thousand children should be brought up
in the gutters of misery in order that a few dozen
young gentlemen may sup on plovers' eggs. It has
already dawned upon us that, if pensions are good
for field-marshals, they cannot be so very bad
for linen-lappers. Perhaps we shall yet come to
see that a pension is a very good thing to begin
life with as well as to end life with. In the meantime,
most of us are either too comfortable or
too miserable to think about such things. Our
stupidity, at least, keeps conscience or revolution
from destroying the peace of our meals.</p>
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<p><span class="pagenum"><SPAN name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</SPAN></span></p>
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