<SPAN name="startofbook"></SPAN>
<div id="cover" class="fig">>
<ANTIMG id="coverpage" src="images/cover.jpg" alt="Fort Concho: Its Why and Wherefore" width-obs="500" height-obs="754" /></div>
<p class="center"><i>FORT CONCHO MUSEUM
<br/>San Angelo, Texas</i></p>
<p class="tb"><i>A people who take no pride in the
noble achievements of remote ancestry
will never achieve anything
worthy to be remembered with pride
by remote descendants.</i>—<span class="sc">Macaulay</span></p>
<p class="tb">The Department of the Interior on
October 7, 1961 designated this Fort
as a National Historic Landmark.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_2">2</div>
<div class="fig"> id="fig1"> <ANTIMG src="images/p02.jpg" alt="" width-obs="600" height-obs="262" /> <p class="pcap">Fort Concho <br/>1867-1889</p> </div>
<div class="box">
<div class="fig">> <ANTIMG src="images/p03.jpg" alt="Fort Concho: Its Why and Wherefore" width-obs="350" height-obs="211" /></div>
<h1><span class="ss"><span class="large">Fort Concho</span> <br/><span class="smaller">ITS WHY AND WHEREFORE</span></span></h1>
<p class="center"><span class="large"><b>J. N. Gregory</b></span></p>
<p class="center small"><i>Cover by A. J. Redd</i></p>
<p class="center small">First Printing 1957
<br/>Second Printing 1962
<br/>Third Printing 1970</p>
<p class="center"><i>NEWSFOTO YEARBOOKS</i>
<br/><i>San Angelo, Texas</i></p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_4">4</div>
<p class="tbcenter">Dedicated
<br/>to the pioneer
<br/>men and women
<br/>of our Southwest.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_5">5</div>
<h2 id="c1"><span class="small">FOREWORD</span></h2>
<p>Many people who visit the Fort Concho Museum and look over
the parade ground and buildings of old Fort Concho, naturally ask
the question, “Why did the United States Government build a fort
in this place, and what did the fort accomplish?”</p>
<p>The object of this pamphlet is to answer that question, and to
present the answer to the inquiring visitor at as small a cost as the
printer makes possible.</p>
<p>Two maps of Texas will be found in the envelope at the <SPAN href="#map1">back of the pamphlet</SPAN>.
The smaller is a reproduction of one published in
1856, not too accurate from a geographic standpoint, but as accurate
as the knowledge of the times allowed. The other map,
accurate from the geographic point of view, endeavors to show the
locations of some thirty-four forts and camps that were established
and built by our War Department on the Texas Frontier during
the Indian days.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_7">7</div>
<p class="tb">The treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo that brought to a close the
war between the United States and Mexico, February 2, 1848, and
the subsequent Gadsden Purchase of 1853, set the plan for the
present boundaries between the two countries. A vast area of
plains, deserts and mountains, an unmapped and untraveled wilderness
was now owned by the Northern Republic. It was inhabited
mostly by Comanche, Apache, Kiowa and other warlike Indian
tribes, and it stretched from the settlements of South and East
Texas, and from the lower Missouri River area to the new American
settlements on the Pacific Coast.</p>
<p>Great events were in the making when in California in 1848,
gold nuggets were found in the tailrace of Sutter’s Mill. The word
passed around quickly, and the first modern international gold rush
was on. It put the first sizeable amounts of precious metals into
the coffers of the nations of the world since the Spanish Conquistadores
ransacked the treasure houses of Peru and Mexico. It brought
about modern mining practices, and before the end of the century,
the search for gold was so international and intense that comparable
strikes had been made in South Africa, Australia, Canada and
Alaska, resulting in fresh redistribution of populations, not only
in the United States but also in other portions of the world. The
problems accompanying such redistribution were plentiful, and
they are still plaguing us to this day.</p>
<p>But the lure that led men to our West was not gold alone. The
El Dorado of man’s dreams, be it a gold vein, oil patch, store on
Main Street, cattle ranch, or farm in Peaceful Valley, can very well
lie in any new and unexplored lands. So it was then. Few men
could afford for themselves, families and belongings the cost of
passage by sailing ship, around the Horn or by portage at the Isthmus
of Panama, from Boston, New York, Charleston, New Orleans,
Galveston or Indianola, to San Francisco. Besides that, a fellow
who was bent on making a trip liked to look over the country
lying between home and his proposed destination. So, many found
their El Dorado, not on the Pacific Coast but along the trails between
the Great River and the Pacific Ocean.</p>
<p>The inhabitants of the crowded East and the folks of the
<span class="pb" id="Page_8">8</span>
South felt their race-old urge to get on the move towards more
freedom and opportunity. Old windy Horace Greeley was soon
to advise, “Go West, Young Man.” So go West they did, young and
old, first by small companies on horseback or in buckboards, then
later by trains of covered wagons which carried their families and
all earthly possessions, grouped together for companionship as well
as for protection against the Indians.</p>
<p>Population movements in the United States have generally gone
from East to West in parallel lines, once the Atlantic seaboard was
settled. And so this great gold movement from East to West
brought settlement of the intermediate lands between the Mississippi
River and the Pacific Ocean by the natural contrasting types
of North-South peoples.</p>
<p>The great Oregon and Santa Fe Trails serviced the people of
the more northerly parts of our country, but for those in the
southern parts a newer trail had to be found and by simple geography
it had to cross Texas. You could enter the State from the sea
at Galveston, Indianola or Corpus Christi, or by way of the land
through Fort Smith in Arkansas, thence across the Indian Territory
to the Red River; or directly from Louisiana through the fairly well
settled and organized counties of East Texas. But no matter how
you entered, there was only one way to get out, and so all trails
converged on the Paso del Norte (present El Paso). To get out
of Texas south of El Paso would land you in Mexico. To get out
north of El Paso would take you across the Llano Estacado which
in those days was considered a vast treeless plain, unbroken by
any topographic changes, and completely devoid of water holes.</p>
<p>The <SPAN href="#map2">accompanying map</SPAN>, published in 1856 in Yoakum’s History
of Texas, shows clearly the political subdivisions and settlements
of Texas in those times. A substantial part of the State, from
the Panhandle to the upper Rio Grande, appears to be completely
uninhabited and, therefore, politically unorganized. In a vague
manner, this vast area might be assumed to be an unannexed portion
of the counties of Bexar, El Paso, Presidio and Travis. This
map does not speak approvingly of the Llano Estacado. Staked
Plains, some called it.</p>
<p>From 1848 on to the recent past, various trail drivers, army
officers and railroaders laid out trails from the settled parts of
Texas to the Paso del Norte, always taking advantage of springs
and water holes and avoiding the Llano Estacado and the great
limestone canyons of the Rio Grande and its tributaries. That is,
all did but the builders of the Southern Pacific Railroad. They
came later, but yet too early to have the know-how of an Arthur
Edward Stilwell. But that is another story.</p>
<p>A North-South trade route had existed for some two hundred
years connecting Spanish Santa Fe, far north toward the headwaters
<span class="pb" id="Page_9">9</span>
of the Rio Grande, south through the Paso del Norte to the
settlements in the mother country of Mexico. The Santa Fe Trail
extended to California, would cross this trade route at Santa Fe,
well up in the Rocky Mountains, while the route through Texas
would cross it at El Paso. And so these two places became the
supply dumps where the great wagon trains took on horses, mules,
beef and other supplies that would see them across the final leg
of the journey west. It was a great opportunity for traders who
had the supplies to sell, and the procuring middle man, the one
who contacted both producer and merchant, was a man with great
savvy and ability known as the Comanche Indian.</p>
<p>The Comanche despised walking; it was not adaptable to his
method of making a living. He was a plains Indian, and somewhere
back in the sixteenth or seventeenth century had somehow accumulated
his first mustangs from offsprings of those horses lost by the
Conquistadores from Spain. Prior to the arrival of the Spaniards in
America, there were no horses, as we recognize them now, on either
of the American continents. Now the Comanche as a mounted man
probably roamed the great plains from present Wyoming to Durango,
Mexico. It was easy to make a living on such a range. It
abounded in buffalo; and the wise Comanche knew all the water
holes. He drove the wily Apaches to the south until they crossed
the Rio Grande and settled in a quasi-peaceful manner in Mexico,
or later chose Arizona and New Mexico and preyed on the settlers,
immigrants and prospectors.</p>
<p>From the records, the Comanche does not appear to have
been a breeder of horses, cattle or sheep. But as a procurer of such
livestock, he had no peer. Many years before Lewis and Clark were
sent to evaluate the Northwestern part of the Louisiana Purchase
lands that Mr. Jefferson had bought from Napoleon Bonaparte in
1803, the Comanche had learned to find his greatest pleasure and
profit during his daring raids into the settlements of Mexico, raiding
in great force as far south as the cities of Chihuahua and
Durango.</p>
<p>The emotional inspiration for such forays on peaceful people
was regarded as pure cussedness, but a more profound study shows
that the trophies of such raids, excepting the scalps taken, were
horses, cattle, sheep and slaves. Many of the stolen horses were for
the Comanche’s personal use, because it took many animals to
make the great raid during the Mexican Moon. The balance of the
trophies was used for barter.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_10">10</div>
<div class="fig">> <ANTIMG src="images/p04.jpg" alt="Indians Capturing Wild Horses" width-obs="600" height-obs="394" /></div>
<div class="fig"> id="fig2"> <ANTIMG src="images/p05.jpg" alt="" width-obs="600" height-obs="370" /> <p class="pcap"><span class="small"><i>G. Catlin</i></span> <br/><i>Comanches Capturing Wild Horses</i> <br/><i>From “The North American Indians,” Vol. II, by George Catlin, London, 1841. The place: the Red River; the time: 1834.</i></p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_11">11</div>
<p>Years before the purchase of 1803, he was trading his stolen
stock, and possibly his slaves, to the French traders from the
Spanish-French border near old Natchitoches (pronounced Nacotish)
on the lower Red River. Or in later times, upon return from
a successful raid, he roared out of Mexico and across the Rio
Grande into Texas south of the Chisos Mountains. If short of war
paint, he replenished his favorite red color from the outcroppings
of cinnebar near Terlingua Creek, then headed through the badlands
and out upon the range country by way of Persimmon Gap.
From the Gap, he went to Comanche Springs (present Fort Stockton),
crossed the Pecos River at Horsehead Crossing, then rode
north to the Sand Dunes to water a famishing flock, after which he
headed east to the Sulphur and the Big Spring. Then he turned
northward around the Cap Rock that marks the eastern extremity
of the terrible Llano Estacado, to proceed on north till he actually
scrambled out upon that plateau. Then he proceeded towards
Santa Fe to meet somewhere, possibly at Casas Amarillas, in that
then desolate region, the Comancheros, or middle men between
himself and the Mexican settlers of the upper Rio Grande Valley
near Santa Fe.<SPAN class="fn" id="fr_1" href="#fn_1">[1]</SPAN> He traded his trophies to the Comancheros for
guns, ammunition or other less practical adjuncts that might suit
his fancy of the moment. His Mexican Moon was then over and he
returned to his portable village which he had left in some watered
canyon that cut down eastward from the Llano Estacado.</p>
<p>The route as followed by these Indians was a well marked trail,
and during the time of our westward migrations, it was well known
and appears on the maps of the times. Another route into Mexico
broke off the Western Trail at the Big Spring and ran down the
valley of the North Concho River, across the Edwards Plateau,
then through the passes of the Balcones Escarpment to cross the
Rio Grande into Mexico near the present city of Eagle Pass. Mr.
Evetts Haley refers to these trails as the Great Comanche War
Trail, and gives a wonderful description of the activity on them in
his recent book, <i>Fort Concho and the Texas Frontier</i>. An old map
from the Army files in the National Archives calls the western
branch the Grand Comanche War Trail. But call the trails what
you may, they were still a stiff pain in the neck to anyone crossing
them, and for the wagon trains and cattle herds going west, crossing
was inevitable.</p>
<p>The greater raids into Mexico appear to have occurred rather
regularly in September when the weather was most favorable, and
the chief objectives could be struck during the light of a full moon.
Thus, to the unhappy but fully expectant Mexicans, the September
full moon was known as the Comanche Moon. At this time Mars,
<span class="pb" id="Page_12">12</span>
the red God of War, hangs low and molten in the late summer
night’s sky and reflects a light that is as red as the sand and clay
soils of the Indian Territory.</p>
<p>Another favorite trick of these versatile middle men was to
raid the settlements down the Rio Grande Valley south from Santa
Fe and drive off the stock to a rendezvous with the Comancheros,
who in turn traded them to unknowing Mexican settlers at other
points on the river. During such raids it was deemed ethical but
unprofitable to kill the settlers, since without them there would be
no stock to drive off in a later raid. Besides, these Mexican settlers
did not seriously molest the buffalo.</p>
<p>Such business sagacity however, did not apply in later times
to the Republic of Texas, where each succeeding year saw new
settlers break ground and homestead farther up the river valleys,
whose streams had their origins in the motherland plains of the
Comanche and Kiowa.</p>
<p>After its establishment in 1836, the infant republic found itself
fighting a hot war on two fronts. The settlers near the Rio Grande,
from Del Rio to the mouth of that river near Brownsville, suffered
from raids out of Mexico by both Mexicans and Indians, while the
northern prongs of the new settlements were exposed to the Comanches
and Kiowas. It was a bitter struggle, fought generally in
small isolated settlements where the determined Anglo-Saxon
fought for his new home against an equally determined Indian
fighting to preserve his ancient homeland and range. A Saxon’s
scalp decorating a Comanche’s war shield might be avenged by an
Indian’s entire skin decorating a rude barn door.</p>
<p>Matters were better controlled after the annexation of Texas
by the United States and after the close of the Mexican War. But
it took manpower and supplies to do it, something the new republic
had been slow in acquiring. The treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo provided,
among other things, that the United States would make every
effort to keep the Indians from raiding into Mexico; so in about
1849, the United States Army, mostly cavalry and mounted infantrymen
(Dragoons), moved into Texas. They proceeded to establish
a string of forts and camps from previously established
Brown near the mouth of the Rio Grande to Duncan near Eagle
Pass. For the upper Rio Grande in Texas, they set up what was
later to be Fort Bliss (El Paso). As a northern line of defense for
the settlers, they established, starting with Fort Duncan, the forts
of Lincoln (D’Hanis), Martin Scott (Fredericksburg), Croghan
(Burnet), Gates (Gatesville), Graham (Hillsboro) and Worth
(Fort Worth). Only a few of the forts were ever protected by
stockades. The war was one of movement. The places were supposed
to be strategically located and manned by several companies
of cavalry and some infantry; places from where punitive expeditions
<span class="pb" id="Page_13">13</span>
could set out, establish supply bases, then try to run down the
Indian raiders.</p>
<p>The standing army of the United States during the 1850’s was
numbered at about fifteen thousand men and the personnel of the
Texas forts accounted for about from one-fifth to one-third of that
number. Many of the officers and men were veterans of the Mexican
War, the forts usually being named in honor of American
soldiers who lost their lives in that war. Many Civil War leaders,
both Confederate and Union, received much field training from
1849 to the outbreak of that war in 1861, building and manning
the forts, chasing, but seldom catching, the Indians, guarding the
wagon trains and mail bags and exploring the wilderness for better
trails and water holes.</p>
<p>There is a record, one of many left by the famous Captain Jack
Hays of the Texas Rangers. It tells how he was hired by certain
merchants of San Antonio who were anxious to trade with the
merchants of Chihuahua, Mexico. His assignment was to find in
1848, a route from San Antonio to privately owned Fort Leaton
where the Conchos River of Mexico meets the Rio Grande, and
from which point to Chihuahua the going would be reasonably
good. Hays and his mounted company of frontiersmen managed to
make it to Leaton and back to San Antonio, but they found the
going so rough that the journey took them three and one-half
months. (Present Southern Pacific Railway west to Alpine).
There were too many deep canyons along the tributaries of the
Rio Grande.</p>
<p>The decade following 1849 was most active. The army detachments
under capable officers explored to find routes from East
Texas and from San Antonio to El Paso. But the wagon trains did
not wait for their findings; they often made their own way and did
their well-known creditable job. Mr. Jefferson Davis, Secretary of
War, and himself a distinguished veteran of the Mexican War, did
about all in his power to aid the new state of Texas, the Mexican
settlements and the immigrant trains. He made treaties with the
Indians and arranged reservations for them. This latter deal was
not too successful. Friendly East Texas Indians almost starved on
the reservations, and the more warlike plains tribes had no idea
of staying there even when they agreed to move in. The old men’s
tales of conquest and horse stealing were more than the young
bucks could take.</p>
<p>Mr. Davis built new forts and, recognizing the great problems
of communications that existed between such far flung positions,
sought to remedy those by importing in 1856, through the seaport
of Indianola, camels and their Arabian drivers.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_14">14</div>
<div class="fig"> id="fig3"> <ANTIMG src="images/p06.jpg" alt="" width-obs="600" height-obs="425" /> <p class="pcap"><span class="small"><i>G. Catlin</i></span> <br/><i>Comanche Village</i> <br/><i>From “The North American Indians,” Vol. II. by George Catlin, London 1841. Picture by Catlin, 1834, escorted by General
Henry Leavenworth and regiment of U.S. Dragoons.</i></p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_15">15</div>
<p>The camels were concentrated at Camp Verde in Southern
Kerr County, and breeding and testing immediately proceeded at
a good pace. Tests for their strength and endurance carried the
caravans across the Continental Divide and back, and the results
were very gratifying. The Civil War put an end to the experiments.
The last camel herd, before final sellouts to the carnivals, was
privately owned near Austin in the early 1880’s.</p>
<p>By the time the Civil War broke out in 1861, the War Department
had finally followed the advice of such able soldiers as Joe
Johnston and Chase Whiting. The forts received a new alignment
and were manned mostly by cavalry. Supplies were sent in as
before, from bases like San Antonio. The wagons, pulled by oxen
or mules, were well guarded in most instances by soldiers. The contracts
for furnishing the supplies and their transportation were let
to civilians.</p>
<p>The new alignment caused the abandonment of some interior
forts and camps. The line on the lower Rio Grande was extended
up the river by building Fort Hudson near the Devil’s River, about
thirty miles north of San Felipe. Out in far Western Texas, they
built Fort Quitman, down the river from El Paso.</p>
<p>Several things were done to discourage the Comanche and
Kiowa whose depredations along the Grand War Trail had been
greatly stepped up. The War Department flanked the trail on the
west by the building of a sizeable establishment in a beautiful and
romantic spot in the Davis Mountains and named it Fort Davis in
honor of the secretary. Near this spot, more than three hundred
years before, had passed the shipwrecked, unhorsed and enslaved,
but still valiant Spaniard, Cabeza de Vaca. He would later write,
in his report to his Viceroy describing his journey after leaving the
great arid plains to the north, of a valley through which flowed
“limpid waters.”<SPAN class="fn" id="fr_2" href="#fn_2">[2]</SPAN></p>
<p>After Fort Davis, the Department unveiled Fort Lancaster
(western Crockett County) as a flanker to the east of the trail. It
was cozily situated in the mesas not far from the Pecos River and
beside Live Oak Creek that flows delightful spring water.</p>
<p>Then the War Department built Fort Stockton (Pecos County),
smack in the middle of the Grand Trail and right beside the best
spring of water on its entire route.</p>
<p>Now to further protect immigrants and mail bags on the route
west and to protect settlers of central and northern Texas who
were still moving higher up the river valleys, it set up Fort Chadbourne
as a pivot between the new western line and the new lower
Rio Grande Valley line. From Fort Chadbourne on northeasterly
to the Indian Territory were Forts Phantom Hill (Abilene) and
Belknap (New Castle). But Chadbourne was a near miss, because
it was not well located and its water supply was not adequate.
<span class="pb" id="Page_16">16</span>
However, not until the Civil War was over was it finally abandoned
in 1867 and a new site chosen for its replacement at the confluence
of the North, South and Middle Concho Rivers. This new position
would be called Fort Concho, and here eventually would be built
the city of San Angelo.</p>
<p>As the decade preceding the outbreak of the Civil War was
closing, the great wagon trails from San Antonio and East Texas to
El Paso must have been a sight to behold. Most of them converged
on Castle Gap and the Horsehead Crossing of the Pecos River,
from where they had a choice of two routes to El Paso. The California
Overland Mail (Butterfield Overland Mail), 2,795 miles from
St. Louis to San Francisco, entered Texas by way of Fort Smith,
Arkansas, followed the line of forts southwesterly to the middle
Concho River then turned westerly up that valley, then through
Castle Gap to Horsehead Crossing. From here the early route followed
up the Pecos River to Pope’s Crossing near the present Red
Bluff Reservoir, thence westward to El Paso, by way of Delaware
Creek and the Hueco Tanks. A more southerly route from Horsehead
Crossing was probably a better choice. It went from the
Crossing direct to Fort Stockton, Leon Springs, Toyahvale, Fort
Davis, thence to Van Horn’s well and El Paso. It also had the
advantage of servicing the westerly line of forts.</p>
<p>The original run over this new mail trail to California was
made in 1858 and the New York Herald sent a special news correspondent,
one W. L. Ormsby, to be a through passenger on the
mule-drawn coach so that he could report the trip. The poor fellow
was only twenty-three years old, but age being in his favor, he
lived through it all. His description of the trail from between the
upper water holes of the Middle Concho River (near present Stiles)
to Castle Gap and the Horsehead Crossing is most illuminating.</p>
<p>“Strewn along the load, and far as the eye could reach along
the plain—decayed and decaying animals, the bones of cattle
and sometimes of men (the hide drying on the skin in the arid
atmosphere), all told a fearful story of anguish and terrific death
from the pangs of thirst. For miles and miles these bones strew
the plain....”</p>
<p>It appears from this on the spot observation, that the trails
across level plains country were very wide. The wagon trains did
not move in single file. That would expose them too much to Indian
attacks, and besides, the longer the line, the worse the dust.
The old wagon wheel ruts, still noticeable to this day along the
route described above by Ormsby, cover a wide area on the plains
east of Castle Gap, before they converge at that narrow pass. These
can be seen west of the China Ponds where they move westerly
about three miles south of the land grants known as the alphabet
blocks, given later by the State of Texas to the Corpus Christi, San
<span class="pb" id="Page_17">17</span>
Diego and Rio Grande Narrow Gauge Rail Road. (Try painting
that one on a narrow gauge box car!)</p>
<p>During 1858 and 1859, Captain Earl Van Dorn, soon to be a
member of the Confederate High Command, vigorously carried the
war to the Indians and pushed them north, back across the Red
River. They didn’t remain there long. Texas seceded from the
Union in 1861 and the Federal soldiers marched out of the forts
and left them to the Confederate forces. Again the proper manpower
was lacking. Some forts were abandoned so as to shorten
the defense line and some of these, as at Lancaster, were burned by
the Indians. The Indians, now spurred on by Union agents, carried
on a still more bloody and aggressive warfare on the Texas frontier.
Confederates, and Ranger Companies, coupled with frontiersmen
reacted promptly and vigorously, but it was a long line of defense
from the Red River to the Rio Grande. Defend it they did, against
the Indians, and against lawless elements such as deserters and
others renegades, hostile Union sympathizers and border ruffians
from without the state.</p>
<p>The Negro slave was emancipated by proclamation in Texas on
June 19, 1865 (June’teenth), about two months after General Lee
surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia at Appomattox Court
House.<SPAN class="fn" id="fr_3" href="#fn_3">[3]</SPAN> The last land battle of the Civil War was fought on May
13, 1865, in Cameron County, Texas when invading Federal forces
were routed near Brownsville. That engagement is known as the
Battle of Palmito Ranch.</p>
<p>From the end of the war until 1867, the frontier settlements
had no organized military forces to protect them from the Indians,
and it was against the law for Texans to carry guns. Added to this
were the turmoils of Reconstruction which were about as bitter in
the populated parts of the state as they were in other parts of the
South.</p>
<p>The occupying United States Army under General Phil Sheridan
was now mostly recruited from among the Negroes, and the
army was not used against the Indians until 1867, when orders
went out to get busy and put the forts and camps in order.<SPAN class="fn" id="fr_4" href="#fn_4">[4]</SPAN>
General Sheridan’s name was about as popular in Virginia and
Texas as General W. T. Sherman’s was in Georgia and Mississippi.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_18">18</div>
<div class="fig"> id="fig4"> <ANTIMG src="images/p07.jpg" alt="" width-obs="600" height-obs="339" /> <p class="pcap"><i>Action West of Horsehead Crossing.</i> <br/>(<i>Castle Gap is at the upper left.</i>)</p> </div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_19">19</div>
<p>But both Sherman and Sheridan came to Texas, and Sherman,
after narrowly escaping the loss of his scalp on the Texas frontier,
finally realized the necessity of a last organized military effort to
either rid the country of the Indians or give it back to them. That
was in 1871. However, in 1869, a new alignment of the forts had
been seen as necessary. Never again reoccupied were certain of the
interior ones such as Worth, Graham, Gates, Croghan, Martin Scott,
Lincoln, Chadbourne and Ewell (La Salle County). Fort Belknap,
on the Salt Fork of the Brazos River in Young County, had been
the largest military post in North Texas prior to the Civil War. In
1867, the 6th Cavalry was ordered to prepare it for reoccupation.
They worked for five months, but then this fort was ordered
evacuated and its place was taken by a new one, Fort Griffin, some
thirty-seven miles up the Clear Fork of the Brazos from Belknap.</p>
<p>Now to extend the northeasterly trending line of forts closer to
the Indian Territory, the Army built Fort Richardson near the
present town of Jacksboro.</p>
<p>The site chosen as the replacement for Fort Chadbourne, to be
called Fort Concho, was at the confluence of the North Concho
River with the combined waters of the Middle Concho, Spring
Creek, Dove Creek and the South Concho, the last three named
streams being fed by bountiful springs. This abundance of water
and the geographically central location marked the spot as the
natural convergence of trails from East, Northeast and South Texas
before they headed westward for Horsehead Crossing and El Paso.
Nature had been kind to this oasis in an otherwise desolate region.
The fishing was extremely good and the clear waters of the streams
supported mussels, the variety that produces gem pearls, hence the
Spanish name of Concho. Herds of buffalo grazed within sight of
the new fort. Quail and turkey were plentiful.</p>
<p>These three new positions, Concho, Griffin and Richardson,
located on a line 220 miles long, as yet unconnected by either telegraph
or rail, would soon be the centers of men, supplies and animals
for the campaigns that finally broke the concerted powers of the
Indians. These campaigns carried the soldiers from the Indian
Territory and the New Mexico Territory on the North, to the actual
interior of Old Mexico on the South.</p>
<p>From the times in 1866 and 1867 when Richardson and Concho
were ordered built until 1871, the troops undertook no organized
campaigns against the Indians. The settlers suffered constantly and
the Indians learned new tricks. Many more learned how to live off
government bounty on the reservations in Indian Territory, then
hit the war path along with their wild brethren from the Texas
Panhandle. They were amply protected on their return to the
reservations by the Indian agents in charge, who believed their
wards could do no wrong. Why, they would ask, would an Indian
steal cattle when he had all the buffalo meat he wanted?</p>
<p>A cavalry expedition out of Fort Concho working the edges of
the Llano Estacado in 1872, captured a Comanchero who told how
<span class="pb" id="Page_20">20</span>
he and his companions traded the Indian arms, ammunition and
supplies for cattle, horses and sheep that they had stolen during
their raids. He even showed the soldiers the well worn trails across
the Llano Estacado towards Santa Fe and the valley of the Rio
Grande. Thus the secret was finally revealed to the Army. It seems
unbelievable at this time that such ignorance could prevail over the
cries and protests of the Texas ranchmen who were losing cattle by
the tens of thousands.<SPAN class="fn" id="fr_5" href="#fn_5">[5]</SPAN> But such was the case, and in 1867, the
Comanches even stole horses from the post herd at Fort Concho.
We must remember that in that same year the mild policies of
President Andrew Johnson in Washington were overruled by the
radicals in the United States Congress, and the bitter years of reconstruction
followed for the Southern States. All former Confederate
soldiers were deprived of the vote, and radicals, carpetbaggers,
scalawags from the South and freed Negroes ruled the
State. The Army was used, not to fight Indians, but to guard the
new social system.</p>
<p>The prospect appeared brighter for the settlers when in the
Fall of 1869, one hundred soldiers from Fort Concho managed to
engage an Indian force on the Salt Fork of the Brazos River. It was
a drawn fight, but immediately thereafter a larger force from the
same fort engaged and defeated the Indians in the same area.
Texans were cheered by the news of this new tone of aggressiveness
shown by the Army. It was the only way. The war had to be carried
to the Indians the same way Earl Van Dorn had carried the
fight to them on the eve of the Civil War.</p>
<p>But the time for real action had not arrived even as late as
1869. On February 18, 1870, a citizen was killed and scalped within
one-quarter of a mile of the post limits at Fort Concho. In
January of the same year, eighteen mules were stolen from the
Q.M. corral at that same post. The same year, 1870, while Colonel
Grierson was building Fort Sill in the Indian Territory, Chief
Kicking Bird, a Kiowa, defeated the Command of Captain C. B.
McClellan near the present town of Seymour. As late as March of
1872, a wagon train was waylaid near Grierson Springs in Reagan
<span class="pb" id="Page_21">21</span>
County and the teamsters killed by the Indians. Two companies of
the 9th Cavalry came upon the scene by accident, engaged the Indians
but withdrew before a decision was reached.<SPAN class="fn" id="fr_6" href="#fn_6">[6]</SPAN></p>
<div class="fig">> <ANTIMG src="images/p08.jpg" alt="Cavalry and wagon" width-obs="600" height-obs="276" /></div>
<p>The lamentations of the border people were finally heard in
Washington and in April, 1871, General W. T. Sherman came to
San Antonio. The next month, accompanied by General Randolph
B. Marcy and an escort of seventeen men, he left for an
inspection of the frontier. General Marcy was the same officer
(then, Captain Marcy) who, in 1849 and later, had played such
an important part in exploring and reporting to Congress on trails
through Texas. The great explorer was still an outdoor man of
action.</p>
<p>The little expedition proceeded by way of Boerne, Fredericksburg,
the old Spanish Fort on the San Saba which had withstood
a great Comanche Indian siege in 1758, Fort McKavett, Kickapoo
Springs and Fort Concho. From Fort Concho it followed the military
trail on northeasterly by the remains of Fort Chadbourne and
Phantom Hill and on towards Belknap.</p>
<p>General Marcy’s journal is of great interest. He relates:</p>
<p>“We crossed immense herds of cattle today, which are allowed
to run wild upon the prairies, and they multiply very rapidly. The
only attention the owners give them is to brand the calves and
occasionally go out to see where they range. The remains of several
ranches were observed, the occupants of which have either been
<span class="pb" id="Page_22">22</span>
killed or driven off to the more dense settlements, by the Indians.
Indeed, this rich and beautiful section does not contain, today
(May 17, 1871), as many white people as it did when I visited it
eighteen years ago, and if the Indian marauders are not punished,
the whole country seems to be in a fair way of being totally depopulated.”
He continues:</p>
<p>“May 18th, 1871—This morning five teamsters, who, with seven
others, had been with a mule wagon train en route to Fort Griffin
(Captain Henry Warren’s) with corn for the post, were attacked on
the open prairie, about ten miles east of Salt Creek, by 100 Indians,
and seven of the teamsters were killed and one wounded. General
Sherman immediately ordered Colonel Mackenzie to take a force of
150 cavalry, with thirty days’ rations on pack mules, and pursue
and chastise the marauders.”</p>
<p>An interesting angle to this affair was that Sherman’s party
had been observed by the same Indians who murdered the teamsters,
but were unmolested by them because they were waiting for
the wagon train which they considered nearer top priority. Sherman
realized later that he had nearly lost his scalp.<SPAN class="fn" id="fr_7" href="#fn_7">[7]</SPAN></p>
<p>This Colonel Mackenzie had reported in at Fort Concho as
commanding officer on September 6, 1869. Born in New York,
July 27, 1840, and christened RANALD SLIDELL, he had graduated
first in his class at West Point in 1862. He served in the
Union Army during the Civil War, received several wounds in
action, and was a brigadier general when that war closed. The
remainder of his professional life was devoted to active high command
in the Indian wars. At various times he served at Forts
Brown, Clark, McKavett, Concho and Richardson, engaging in his
last Indian fight at Willow Creek, Wyoming in 1876. He was retired
from the Army for disability in 1884 and died a bachelor at New
Brighton, New York in 1889.</p>
<p>Along with Mackenzie, Colonel William Rufus Shafter who
arrived to command at Fort Concho in January, 1870, the War
Department had its two best young officers serving in the West
Texas theatre.</p>
<p>Shafter had no West Point training. Born in Michigan on October
16, 1835, he entered the Union Army in the Civil War as a
first lieutenant and by the end of that war had been breveted brigadier
general of volunteers. He was later awarded The Congressional
Medal of Honor for service during that war. He was commissioned
lieutenant colonel of regulars in 1869 and first saw service in West
Texas with the 24th Infantry at Fort McKavett. Later in life he
was to command the American armies in Cuba during the Spanish
American War.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_23">23</div>
<p>During the summer of 1871, while commanding forces at Fort
Davis, he set out with cavalry from both Forts Davis and Stockton
and pursued a large raiding party of Indians from the Fort Davis
area northeasterly until the trail moved into the great sand dune
country near where the city of Monahans now stands. He spent
fourteen days in this pursuit but as was usual in such matters,
could never force an engagement. However, he learned that the
heretofore dreaded sand dunes contained fresh water a few feet
below the surface in several places, and that the area was a great
refuge for Indians and was one of those rendezvous where horse-and-cattle
stealing Indians met the Comanchero traders from
New Mexico.</p>
<p>The command at Fort Concho, as at the other forts, rotated
in a perpetual manner. After service elsewhere, Mackenzie returned
to Concho to organize five companies of the 4th Cavalry
and a headquarters company for service at Fort Richardson, nearer
the Indian Territory. His column moved out March 27, 1871,
cavalry, pack mules and wagons. The bachelor commander even
allowed wives of the men to accompany the expedition as far as
the new headquarters at Fort Richardson.</p>
<p>The weather was crisp and cold as they forded the North
Concho and soon passed Mt. Margaret, named after “the most
accomplished, loving and devoted wife of one of our favorite
captains, E. B. Beaumont”—(Beaumont-Beautiful Mountain), so
wrote Captain Robert G. Carter, historian and winner of The Congressional
Medal of Honor in the Indian Wars, who was a member
of the expedition. (Mt. Margaret is the outstanding hill at Tennison.)
They pitched camp the first night at old Fort Chadbourne,
from where they followed the military trail passing en route huge
herds of buffalo, as they went on by old Forts Phantom Hill, Belknap
and on into Richardson.</p>
<p>Two months later, in May, Colonel Mackenzie roused his 4th
Cavalry at Fort Richardson and set out to obey General Sherman’s
orders issued after the killing of the teamsters at Salt Creek. But
it began to rain. After a futile chase Colonel Mackenzie headed for
Fort Sill, commanded by Colonel Benjamin H. Grierson. There he
learned that Sherman had left but not before the Chiefs Satank
(Sitting Bear), Big Tree and Satanta (White Bear) had returned
to the reservation at Sill and boasted of murdering the teamsters.
Mackenzie arrested and escorted the three Indians to Jacksboro for
trial in the Texas court. Satank purposely got himself killed by a
guard on the march, but Satanta and Big Tree were later sentenced
to prison in the state penitentiary at Huntsville. The duplicity of
these reservation Indians should now have been apparent to even
Grierson and the Indian lovers in Washington and Austin, but
it was not.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_24">24</div>
<p>A good insight into the Indian problem of the times, and of
which we have a written record, appeared at the trial of the two
Indian chiefs during July of 1871 in the little log courthouse on the
public square of Jacksboro. Charles Soward was the presiding
judge. Samuel W. T. Lanham, later to be a two term Governor
of Texas, was the district attorney. The court appointed Thomas
Fall and Joe Woolfork of the Weatherford Bar to represent the defendants.</p>
<p>Thomas Williams, the foreman of the Jury, was a frontier citizen
and a brother of the Governor of Indiana.</p>
<p>The principal witnesses against the defendants were Colonel
Mackenzie, Lawrie (or Lowerie) Tatum, the Indian Agent who
had heard their statements at Fort Sill and Thomas Brazeal, the
teamster who had escaped from the Salt Creek massacre.</p>
<p>Our Captain Carter wrote:</p>
<p>“Under a strong guard accompanied by his counsel and an
interpreter, the Chief, clanking his chain, walked to the little log
courthouse on the public square. The jury had been impaneled and
the District Attorney bustled and flourished around. The whole
country armed to the teeth crowded the courthouse and stood outside
listening through the open windows. The Chief’s attorneys
made a plea for him, and referred to the wrongs the red man had
suffered. How he had been cheated and dispoiled of his lands and
driven westward until it seemed there was no limit to the greed of
the white man. They excused his crime as just retaliation for centuries
of wrong. The jurors sat on long benches, each in his shirt
sleeves and with shooting irons strapped to his hip.”</p>
<p>Satanta got up to defend himself before his accusers. Over six
feet tall, the perfect figure of an athlete and well known as the
orator of the plains who could sway councils of both whites and
Indians, he could well have influenced the jury by mute silence,
but instead he lied and dissembled to save his life. He never mentioned
the wrongs done his people by the whites. Instead, speaking
through the interpreter, he proceeded as follows:</p>
<p>... “I have never been so near the Tehannas (Texans) before.
I look around me and see your braves, squaws and papooses, and
I have said in my heart, if I ever get back to my people, I will never
make war upon you. I have always been the friend of the white
man, ever since I was so high (indicating by sign the height of a
boy). My tribe have taunted me and called me a squaw because I
have been the friend of the Tehannas. I am suffering now for the
crimes of bad Indians—of Satank and Lone Wolf and Kicking Bird
and Big Bow and Fast Bear and Eagle Heart, and if you will let me
go, I will kill the three latter with my own hand....”</p>
<p>The evidence against the two Chiefs was debated by the jury
<span class="pb" id="Page_25">25</span>
and both were sentenced to death. This sentence was later commuted
to life imprisonment.</p>
<p>Now, a few statements from the court record as to what the
District Attorney had to say point to some of the misunderstandings
of the times when it came to the Indian problems on the western
frontiers.</p>
<p>The following excerpts from his plea before the court show
clearly, not only the feelings of the frontiersmen towards the uncontrolled
Indians, but also the contempt in which they, both frontiersmen
and Indians, held the people who by appeasement,
crookedness and ignorance tried to manage the Indian affairs of the
nation from a far away city:</p>
<p>“Satanta, the veteran council chief of the Kiowas—the orator—the
diplomat—the counselor of his tribe—the pulse of his race;
Big Tree, the young war chief, who leads in the thickest of the
fight, and follows no one in the chase—the mighty warrior, with
the speed of the deer and the eye of the eagle, are before this bar
in the charge of the law! So they would be described by Indian
admirers, who live in more secured and favored lands, remote from
the frontier—where ‘distance lends enchantment’ to the imagination—where
the story of Pocohantas and the speech of Logan, the
Mingo, are read, and the dread sound of the warwhoop is not heard.
We who see them today, disrobed of all their fancied graces exposed
in the light of reality, behold them through far different
lenses. We recognize in Satanta the arch fiend of treachery and
blood, the cunning Cataline—the promoter of strife—the breaker
of treaties signed by his own hand—the inciter of his fellows to
rapine and murder, as well as the most canting and double-tongued
hypocrite where detected and overcome! In Big Tree, we perceive
the tiger-demon who tasted blood and loved it as his own food—who
stops at no crime how black soever—who is swift at every
species of ferocity and pities not at any sight of agony or death—he
can scalp, burn, torture, mangle and deface his victims, with
all the superlatives of cruelty, and have no feeling of sympathy or
remorse. We look in vain to see, in them, anything to be admired
or even endured. Powerful legislative influences have been brought
to bear to procure for them annuities, reservations and supplies.
Federal munificence has fostered and nourished them, fed and
clothed them; from their strongholds of protection they have come
down upon us ‘like wolves on the fold’; treaties have been solemnly
made with them, wherein they have been considered with all the
formalities of quasi nationalities; immense financial ‘rings’ have
had their origin in, and draw their vitality from, the ‘Indian
question’; unblushing corruption has stalked abroad, created and
kept alive through</p>
<div class="verse">
<p class="t0">“‘—the poor Indian, whose untutored mind,</p>
<p class="t0">Sees God in clouds, or hears him in the wind.’</p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_26">26</div>
<p>“... For many years, predatory and numerous bands of these ‘pets
of the government’ have waged the most relentless and heart-rending
warfare upon our frontier, stealing our property and killing
our citizens. We have cried aloud for help.... It is a fact, well
known in Texas, that stolen property has been traced to the very
doors of the reservation and there identified by our people, to no
purpose....”</p>
<p>Mackenzie realized those things and knew he could receive
no cooperation from Grierson at Fort Sill, so in September, acting
on orders, concentrated a force of eight companies of the 4th
Cavalry, two companies of the 11th Infantry and thirty Tonkawa
Indian scouts at old Camp Cooper near Fort Griffin. The infantry
would be used to guard the supply bases as he moved northwesterly
in the hope of engaging the wild brethren under Chief
Quanah. He bivouaced in the mouth of Blanco Canyon and lost
sixty odd horses to an Indian raid that night. The next day the
command moved up the canyon and later came out on the flat
prairie of the Llano Estacado. A large retreating body of Indians
was sighted but a Norther blew up, and Mackenzie was forced
back down the canyon by the cold weather. He withdrew to Fort
Richardson where the command arrived in late November. He accomplished
nothing and as for himself, he received an arrow wound
during a small skirmish in the canyon.</p>
<p>With the coming of spring, things picked up. Mackenzie received
orders in May to establish a camp of cavalry and infantry
on the Fresh Fork of the Brazos, from which his cavalry should
operate in pursuit of hostile Indians. He moved out of Fort
Richardson in June while Shafter at Fort Concho organized wagon
trains and supplies, these coming from as far away as Fort Brown.
He was to meet Mackenzie near the mouth of Blanco Canyon, where
the base was to be established. By September, 1872, Mackenzie and
his cavalry had moved from Blanco Canyon to Fort Sumner (New
Mexico), thence north to Fort Bascom (New Mexico), then southeasterly
to Palo Duro Canyon and south to his base camp in Blanco
Canyon. He had found no Indians or Comancheros, but he had
followed well marked Comanchero trails across the Llano Estacado
and had no trouble in finding water holes. The Staked Plains were
not nearly so tough as the high army echelons had been led to
believe.</p>
<p>Puzzled by the lack of Indians he set out for the headwaters of
the Red River and on September 29, discovered a large camp on a
tributary of the Red, northeast of Palo Duro. He immediately attacked
with five companies of cavalry, routed the braves, burned
262 Indian lodges, and captured 127 women and children, and an
estimated 3,000 head of horses. His own losses were light if we
except the fact that the Indian braves returned that night and recovered
<span class="pb" id="Page_27">27</span>
all of their horses by stampeding them. Mackenzie never
forgot that midnight raid.</p>
<p>This drubbing had a salutary effect on the Indians. The captives
were sent to Fort Concho for prisoner exchange, and many
warriors sought safety on the reservations. Their Chief Satank was
dead and Chiefs Satanta and Big Tree were in the penitentiary at
Huntsville. The next spring the remaining one hundred captive
women and children at Fort Concho were delivered back to the
reservation at Fort Sill amid great rejoicing by the braves. They
began to feel that the pale face was not such a bad hombre after
all. Evetts Haley says that some of the braves so seriously considered
settling down that they even sent their women into the
fields to see what work was like.</p>
<p>Things now looked better and the Indian lovers persuaded
Governor Edmund J. Davis to issue pardons to Satanta and Big
Tree. This infuriated General Sherman. That was in April of 1873.
Trouble immediately started again.</p>
<p>But meanwhile Mackenzie had returned to Fort Concho, where
he arrived in January of that year, and set up the headquarters of
the 4th Cavalry Regiment. Then in March, the 4th itself left Fort
Richardson for Concho, and the 7th Cavalry took over at Richardson.<SPAN class="fn" id="fr_8" href="#fn_8">[8]</SPAN>
The 4th headed for Fort Concho, the same column, soldiers,
wagons, wives and their household plunder that had moved north
to Richardson two years before. General Sherman had decided to
do something about that other Texas frontier, the Rio Grande, and
he wanted Mackenzie with his 4th Cavalry to handle the job.</p>
<p>Things were not, and never had been, peaceful along the Rio
Grande. It was another frontier with two parts. From Ringgold
Barracks, opposite the Mexican city of Camargo, on down to the
mouth of the Rio Grande, a man by the name of Juan Cortina,
once a general in the Mexican Army that had opposed General
Zachary Taylor’s invasion of Mexico, sought to make a living in
the grand style. He was very successful as a bandit and became the
“Robin Hood” of his side of the border. During the Civil War his
banditry ceased. He became a trader and did well because the Rio
Grande became the only outlet of the Southern Confederacy. But
with the close of the war, he resumed his favorite role as a bandit
and declared that the Nueces River and not the Rio Grande, was
the border between his country and the United States.</p>
<p>The result was that he and other lesser bandits overran the entire
<span class="pb" id="Page_28">28</span>
country from the Rio Grande to the Nueces, killed for the
pleasure of killing and drove into Mexico tens of thousands of
Texas cattle. In 1875, one of his raids came within seven miles of
Corpus Christi. Truly, his activities were as fearsome and as costly
as were those of the Indians on the other frontiers of the state.
But the United States Army did little about it, being unable to
catch raiders in Texas, and unwilling to attack them in Mexico. The
Texas Rangers, recreated in 1874, began to effectually take care of
the matter. Thirty-one of these men, under their able commander
Captain Leander H. McNelly, began to take a bite out of these
raiders in 1875, killing them not only in Texas but pursuing and
attacking them in Mexico itself.</p>
<div class="fig">> <ANTIMG src="images/p09.jpg" alt="Indians with horses and travois" width-obs="600" height-obs="280" /></div>
<p>General Porfirio Diaz came to power in Mexico about this
time and ended the Cortina troubles by arresting and confining
that gentleman to the environs of Mexico City. The Rangers took
care of the rest of the gangs.</p>
<p>Along the upper Rio Grande, the raids into Texas were made
by Indians: the Kickapoos, Lipans and Apaches. These tribes had
settled in that great arid and sparsely inhabited area that extends
south of the Rio Grande from Laredo to El Paso. That part of
Mexico was a no-man’s land. The small Mexican and Indian villages
were a law unto themselves. The Mexicans often joined the Indians
on their raids, and the cattle and horses brought back found
a ready market in the Mexican villages.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_29">29</div>
<div class="fig"> id="fig5"> <ANTIMG src="images/p10.jpg" alt="" width-obs="500" height-obs="810" /> <p class="pcap"><span class="small"><i>G. Catlin</i></span> <br/>U. STATES’ INDIAN FRONTIER IN 1840. <br/><i>Shewing the positions of the Tribes that have been removed west of the Mississippi.
By George Catlin.</i></p>
</div>
<div class="pb" id="Page_30">30</div>
<p>The Lipans, like the Apaches, were natives of the Great Plains
country. The Kickapoos were easterners, and had been termed
“friendly Indians,” upon their arrival west of the Mississippi River.
The term “friendly Indian” often used in writings and reports of
the times referred in the larger sense to those tribes such as the
Kickapoos, Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Seminoles, Delawares
and others that had once been powerful tribes in the eastern
United States, but because of the encroachment of the white settlers,
they had, by treaty, coercion or force during the early 1800’s,
been continually moved by the United States Government from
their ancestral or reservation lands in the East. They finally ended
up at various times on reservations assigned them in what is now
Kansas and Oklahoma (Indian Territory). Here they usually encountered
hostility from the native tribes of the Great Plains whose
superior numbers threatened their entire existence. They were considered
intruders and were obliged to turn to the United States
troops, where possible, for protection. Their natural ability as
“trackers” made them a necessary unit in any force of troops that
sought to engage hostile Indians.</p>
<p>The Seminoles from Florida were pretty well mixed with
Negro blood upon their arrival in East Texas, and later in the
Indian Territory. The reason for this was that prior to the Civil
War many run-away Negro slaves had sought and found sanctuary
among these Indians, living at that time in the fastnesses of the
Everglades.</p>
<p>During the latter days of the Civil War, December of 1864, a
company of frontier scouts out of Fort Belknap discovered a
freshly abandoned Indian camp west of the ruins of old Fort
Phantom Hill. The scouts estimated that perhaps 5,000 Indians
had camped there.</p>
<p>During the preceding fall, Comanche and Kiowa Indians in
large numbers had broken up the settlements on the northern frontier
in Young County. Therefore, it was assumed, and assumed too
hastily as it turned out, that these Indians had occupied the camp
and were on the march to find a permanent spring and summer
location from where they could further raid the settlements.</p>
<p>Actually these Indians were friendly Kickapoos from the Indian
Territory, and as it turned out, they were probably peacefully
moving themselves and their entire tribe to join a tiny remnant of
the tribe that had, years before, settled in Old Mexico, some forty
miles west of Laredo.</p>
<p>The hasty assumption that these Indians were hostile led to the
Battle of Dove Creek fought on Sunday, the 8th of January, 1865.
The scene of the battle was the Indian encampment on the south
bank of Dove Creek about three miles above its confluence with
Spring Creek, and fifteen miles southwest of the present Tom Green
County court house.</p>
<p>After the discovery of the abandoned camp near Phantom
Hill, the Indians were trailed by scouts. Confederate regulars had
been concentrated at Camp Colorado, and militia had been moved
from Erath, Brown, Comanche and Parker Counties.</p>
<p>These two columns of troops, numbering some 400 men, concentrated
above the Indian encampment before daybreak. They
attacked at daylight. It was an impetuous charge and was met by
<span class="pb" id="Page_31">31</span>
deadly fire from the Enfield rifles of 600 braves, well protected by
the underbrush of the creek bottom. The militia, respectfully referred
to by the regulars as the “flop eared militia,” suffered
heavily in their charge. They broke and fled and were of no more
value in the field.</p>
<p>The regulars, now badly outnumbered and outflanked, were
slowly forced back and withdrew towards Spring Creek, fighting
from the shelters of the oak groves as they retired. This action continued
all day, and they encamped that night with all their wounded
and the reformed militia on Spring Creek, about eight miles from
the original battle ground. They left twenty-two dead on the field
and carried away about forty wounded.</p>
<p>The long retreat to the mouth of the Concho River started the
next morning in a blinding snow storm that made pursuit by the
Indians impossible. They resorted to captured Indian ponies as
food supply.</p>
<p>It had been a most unfortunate affair. The Kickapoos crossed
the Mexican border in the Eagle Pass area and settled down about
forty miles inland. Always irked by memories of the unprovoked
Dove Creek fight, they thereafter heartily joined future raids into
Texas. They were no longer “friendly Indians.”</p>
<p>It was this matter of raids into Texas in the upper Rio Grande
country that attracted General Sherman’s attention in March of
1873, when he ordered Colonel Mackenzie and his 4th Cavalry to
Fort Concho. From Concho they moved to Fort Clark, only about
thirty miles from the Mexican border. At Fort Clark a conference
of high ranking officials was held, including apparently the Secretary
of War, General Phil Sheridan, Mackenzie and others. No
orders were issued but after the conference was over, the “brass”
reviewed the 4th Cavalry. The “ten-year” men in the regiment
knew that something big was brewing.</p>
<p>Dark and early, on the morning of May 17, 1873, Colonel Mackenzie
led 400 men of his 4th Cavalry and twenty or thirty Seminole
scouts under Lt. John L. Bullis, on a drive across the Rio Grande
into Mexico.</p>
<p>After four days and night of continuous riding and fighting, the
small expeditionary force, carrying their supplies in their pockets
and with no time taken out for sleeping, recrossed the river and
were back on friendly Texas soil. They had covered some 160 miles
and had burned three Kickapoo and Lipan villages, killed a considerable
number of braves, captured forty women and children,
plus the chief of the Lipans, and had driven the remainder of
the tribes into the Santa Rosa Mountains.</p>
<p>Washington and Mexico City both hit the ceiling over this
invasion of a friendly nation. Mackenzie could show no written
orders for the action. Had he failed, he would have been court-martialed,
<span class="pb" id="Page_32">32</span>
and he knew that beforehand. But President Grant stood
by his officer, and the incident soon blew over. In fact a year or
two later most of the remaining Kickapoos were persuaded to
accept Uncle Sam’s hospitality. They went from Mexico to Fort
Sill, by way of Fort Concho, and were given a cozy place on a
reservation in the Indian Territory.<SPAN class="fn" id="fr_9" href="#fn_9">[9]</SPAN></p>
<p>By this time it is apparent that our Colonel Mackenzie was
the fair-haired boy of President Grant and Generals Sherman and
Sheridan. During the Civil War, Grant had regarded him as his
ablest young officer. Now if things got out of line, you would
simply “dress on Bobs.”</p>
<p>Truly, things were about to get out of line again. Some foolish
policy of appeasement was still rampant in Washington, so Satanta
and Big Tree were released from the penitentiary. This combined
with other factors, such as the restlessness of the Indians on
the reservations, and the slaughter of the buffalo, united the efforts
of the Comanche tribe. Along with the Kiowas, now aided by the
Cheyennes, they started trouble all over again. Once more the
raids, during the spring of 1874, hit the Texas frontier, and as usual
the soldiers while sleeping, had their horses stolen. Buffalo hunters
in their lonely camps on the Panhandle plains were murdered and
scalped.</p>
<p>Just east of the old Adobe Walls ruins, on the north side of the
Canadian River in what is now northeastern Hutchinson County,
twenty-eight men and one woman fortified themselves in three new
adobe buildings that had just been completed as a trading post in
anticipation of the northern migration of the great buffalo herds.</p>
<p>They were awakened before daylight on the morning of June
27, 1874, by a sharp cracking noise. The newly cut cottonwood ridge
pole that supported the roof on one of the three buildings had
settled, and the sod-covered roof threatened to collapse at any
moment. Fifteen men worked until daylight propping up the roof.
That accident saved the lives of all at the Walls, for just as daylight
came, being awake and outside, they saw to the eastward, an estimated
700 mounted Indians riding hard for the settlement. The
attacking force was less than half a mile away when it deployed in
a great converging arc.</p>
<div class="pb" id="Page_33">33</div>
<p>Billy Dixon, the buffalo hunter and frontier scout described
the charge in a dramatic manner:</p>
<p>“There was never a more splendidly barbaric sight. In after
years I was glad that I had seen it. Hundreds of warriors, the
flower of the fighting men of the Southwestern Plains tribes,
mounted upon their finest horses, armed with guns and lances, and
carrying heavy shields of thick buffalo hide, were coming like the
wind. Over all was splashed the rich colors of red, vermilion and
ochre, on the bodies of the men, on the bodies of the running
horses. Scalps dangled from bridles, gorgeous war-bonnets fluttered
their plumes, bright feathers dangled from the tails and manes
of the horses, and the bronzed, half-naked bodies of the riders
glittered with ornaments of silver and brass. Behind this head-long
charging host stretched the Plains, on whose horizon the rising sun
was lifting its morning fires. The warriors seemed to emerge from
this glorious background.” (Life of Billy Dixon, by Olive K. Dixon,
The Southwest Press, Dallas, Texas.)</p>
<p>The three buildings were about equally manned by the whites.
Doors were closed and then barricaded, as were the windows and
transoms, by sacks of flour and grain. The first charge was broken
up at the very walls of the buildings by the lead from the big
buffalo guns. Thanks to the thick abode walls and to the dirt covered
roofs, there was no danger of being smoked out by fire.</p>
<p>The fight raged until noon. Two of the whites, unable to
reach the buildings, had been killed in the first onslaught. All of
the horses and oxen were dead or driven away. The Indians had
lost heavily and now withdrew, out of range. They could be seen
moving about in the distance but they did not attack again.</p>
<p>It was on the third day of the siege that Billy Dixon drew a
bead on a mounted Indian, 1,538 yards away on a ridge, and shot
him dead. He was firing a .50 calibre Sharp’s rifle, the largest of
the buffalo guns.</p>
<p>During the next two or three days other buffalo hunters
drifted into the Walls until the garrison numbered about a hundred
men. William Barclay “Bat” Masterson had been present since
the beginning of the fight and had, like most of the other defenders,
distinguished himself by his cool behavior under fire.</p>
<p>By the end of the sixth day, the Indians had broken up into
bands, the Comanches under Quanah, the Kiowas under Lone Wolf,
and the Cheyennes under Stone Calf and White Shield. These
bands then proceeded to work over the other buffalo hunters on
the south and central ranges. They accomplished their objective.
Buffalo hunting by the whites was discontinued for that year.</p>
<p>Down in San Antonio, General Christopher C. Augur, the Department
Commander, fully backed by General Sherman, ordered
full scale war. All Indians off their reservations were declared hostiles
<span class="pb" id="Page_34">34</span>
and the campaign against them took the form of a real squeeze
play. It was relentlessly carried out by a man-sized army under
able lieutenants.</p>
<p>Colonel Nelson A. Miles was ordered to march westerly out of
Camp Supply in the Indian Territory; Colonel John Wynn Davidson
was to move west out of Fort Sill; Major William R. Price was
to move down the Canadian out of Fort Union, Territory of New
Mexico; Colonel G. P. Buell was to leave Fort Griffin, proceed north
to the Red River then move up that stream, and Colonel Mackenzie’s
command headed northwesterly out of Fort Concho for his
old camping ground at Blanco Canyon. It appears that Colonel
Grierson was left out altogether. The campaign got under way in
the late summer of 1874.</p>
<p>Colonel Mackenzie marched out of Fort Concho with eight
companies of cavalry and three of infantry. He moved northwesterly
up the North Concho River for his first objective—the camp in
Blanco Canyon.<SPAN class="fn" id="fr_10" href="#fn_10">[10]</SPAN></p>
<p>(Mackenzie appears to have been overall commander. However,
the biography of Nelson A. Miles seems to give Miles considerable
credit for subduing the Indians in our West. He was a
volunteer in the Union Army during the Civil War and rose to
high rank, higher than that reached by Mackenzie. Biographies
can often be misleading, parts of them being word of mouth stories
from the principal himself. Miles could never have been called a
‘modest’ man. Prior to his death he followed the example of some
of the Pharaohs of Egyptian history, and built his mausoleum on
the bank of a great river, in his case not the Nile, but the Potomac.
It was perfectly legal to do this, the site chosen being in the Arlington
National Cemetery, a place reserved for the remains of United
States servicemen. However, the timing of the construction of the
mausoleum, built even before he died, and the fact that he chose
to plant himself, not only in the most prominent spot to be found,
but right in what had once been General Robert E. Lee’s front
yard, leads one to believe he might have taken a slight advantage
of his biographer.)</p>
<p>The campaign lasted until the latter part of December, 1874,
when through ice and snow, Mackenzie’s 4th Cavalry drifted into
Fort Griffin. By this time the other commanders had accomplished
their objectives and returned to their stations.</p>
<p>The strategy had been simple enough. The commands from
<span class="pb" id="Page_35">35</span>
the north, east and west were to drive the tribes towards the rough
country and the canyons in the headwaters of the Red River, where
Mackenzie, moving in from the south, would destroy them. The
actual carrying out of the plans, was, as is usual, another thing.
Variations in the weather were severe; drinking water was scarce
and when found usually had the same effects on the drinkers as
would castor oil; wood for fires was generally lacking; corn for
horses was an eternal problem; and the long supply lines were
constantly threatened by an alert enemy.</p>
<p>But it all worked out as planned. The four commanders, Miles,
Buell, Davidson and Price drove the tribes before them after
spirited engagements. On October 9th, Buell, moving up the Red
River, destroyed a camp of 400 lodges on the Salt Fork of that
river. The usual plan of operation was for each commander to
use his friendly Indian scouts as guides to locate a fresh Indian
trail. After that it was hard riding and, if possible, surprise attack
on a village. Most of the supplies came from the nearest forts,
such as Sill, Fort Bascom, New Mexico and Camp Supply in the
northwestern part of the Indian Territory, and Fort Griffin on the
Brazos. It was during this campaign that plans were made to locate
Fort Elliott as a new defense in the Panhandle.<SPAN class="fn" id="fr_11" href="#fn_11">[11]</SPAN></p>
<p>Mackenzie’s 4th Cavalry covered many a weary mile. His biggest
Indian fight occurred in the Palo Duro Canyon where he surprised
a large camp in late September and reported the capture
of 1,424 ponies, mules and colts. Remembering his past experience
with captive horses, he had the entire herd shot rather than risk
the possibility of their recapture during the night by the braves.</p>
<p>This campaign broke up any further concerted action by the
Indian tribes. It had been long in materializing, and that, to
many, still seems hard to understand. Satanta was recaptured and
sent back to the penitentiary at Huntsville, but ended it all a short
time thereafter by jumping head first out of a second story window.</p>
<p>The other Kiowa Chief, Big Tree, upon being recaptured and
imprisoned, this time at Fort Sill, became a model prisoner. After
gaining his freedom, he became the Kiowa’s principal chief, caused
a little trouble in 1890 that was squelched without bloodshed by the
soldiers, and he then settled in a cottage near Mountain View, Oklahoma.
<span class="pb" id="Page_36">36</span>
He died, a deacon in the Baptist Church November 18, 1929.</p>
<p>However much the Comanche tribes might by now be reduced
in number, their spirits remained high and restless on their reservations.
As late as 1878 and 1879, small war parties raided as deep
into Texas as Fort McKavett. But there was no coordinated action.</p>
<p>The extinction of the buffalo in our southern region was completed
about 1878, and then the hunters turned in force against the
remaining herds on the northern parts of the Great Plains. These
herds lasted about four more years.</p>
<p>The men in the forts could be, and were, still busy. Colonel
Grierson took over at Concho in 1875. That same year, Colonel
Shafter, with nine troops of the 10th Cavalry and two companies
of infantry, left after rendezvousing at that post and headed for the
Indian country near Blanco Canyon. His supply train consisted
of sixty-five wagons drawn by six-mule teams, a pack train of
nearly 700 mules and a beef herd. This was in July. Good rains
had fallen and water holes were expected to be full. It took the
expedition seventeen days to cover the 180 miles. (The author
cannot verify the reported strength of the mule train.)</p>
<p>Only a few Indians were met, so Shafter divided his command.
His own division out of Fort Duncan, returned to that post about
December 18, 1875, after having explored the country now known
as the South Plains of Texas and New Mexico. One of his lieutenants,
Geddes, leading a division from Mustang Springs, near present
Midland, on south to cross the Pecos on a southwesterly course
below Independence Creek, reached the Rio Grande. There they
engaged in a small Indian fight, then retraced their steps to avoid
the great canyon country, crossed the Pecos, and in a worn out
condition reached Fort Clark. Geddes then rested up and returned
to Fort Concho.</p>
<p>The entire expedition had explored and mapped what had
been a vast and unknown area, and had encountered only a few
wandering bands of Indians. It appeared that the Indian problems
had at last been solved.</p>
<p>However, the final settlement of that problem came in 1880.
An Apache Chief, one Victorio, long confined to a reservation in
the Territory of New Mexico, hit the warpath with all of his tribe
and their belongings; warriors, squaws, papooses and portable
lodges. Colonel Grierson, now General Grierson, left Fort Concho
and with detachments from Forts Concho, Stockton, Davis and Quitman,
sought to force an engagement in that wild and mountainous
and desert land that lies on both sides of the Rio Grande, from El
Paso on the west to the Davis Mountains on the east. The United
States cavalry was no match for the elusive Victorio, who avoided
any but guerrilla actions, and worked back and forth across the Rio
Grande, until Grierson, disgusted, returned to Fort Concho. His
<span class="pb" id="Page_37">37</span>
forces had not been allowed to cross into Mexico and he thought
that the Mexican forces, also chasing the Apaches, had not fully
cooperated with him.</p>
<p>This may or may not have been so, but the end of the new war
came in the fall, when General Terrazas, then Governor of Chihuahua,
forced an engagement by trapping and surrounding the
old chief. Only a few survivors were able to escape this well
planned but short campaign by the Mexican forces.</p>
<p>The usefulness of the forts, so far as protection against the
Indians was concerned, now ended. The accompanying map shows
their relative locations and the dates on which they were organized
and abandoned. Only one, Fort Bliss at the Paso del Norte, serves
the United States Army at this time.</p>
<p>Fort Concho remained active until 1889, but it was only another
army post. Small parties of Indians roamed the frontier even
in the 80’s, but the Texas Rangers and the frontiersmen took care
of them.</p>
<p>Of all of those that were abandoned during the last century,
Fort Concho is the best preserved. It took time to build it, and
when finally abandoned, its lovely stone buildings and the land on
which they stand, reverted to the original landowners, Adams and
Wickes, the United States Army having been only a rent-paying
tenant.</p>
<p>Just what do some of the others look like at this time? Fort
Worth is covered somewhere under a modern city that bears its
name. The foundations of old Fort Mason can be seen on a hill
within the city limits of Mason, the cut stones of its buildings
having been removed for construction work elsewhere. The same
goes for old Lancaster, where only a few gaunt white limestone
chimneys can be seen rising against the mesas. However, if you
care to walk over to them, you will see the old foundations and a
small graveyard. That is all that is left.</p>
<p>If a Comanche or Kiowa Indian observed Fort Phantom Hill
today for the first time, he would probably name it, “Many chimneys
that do not smoke.” The buildings are gone and he would not
be interested in their foundations.</p>
<p>Some of the limestone houses at Fort McKavett are still being
occupied, and many of the other old fort buildings are outlined by
roofless walls. Several of the original buildings of Fort Stockton still
remain and have been converted into gracious homes. Fort Davis
is a line of stone and adobe shells, the timbers of the overhanging
porches being long gone except where the late Andrew Simmons
restored a few, and built a creditable museum in one building.</p>
<p>Fort Clark, rising by the beautiful Las Moras Springs, is a
combination of the old and the new, having seen service in the last
<span class="pb" id="Page_38">38</span>
World War. It is interesting to observe that in its case, it is unfortunately
the new and not the old that is missing.</p>
<p>The old Spanish Fort (presidio) on the San Saba River? Enough
of the rubble remains to outline the outer wall of the large courtyard.
This was a massive stone fortification and each of its four corners was
protected by a protruding circular stone tower. The State Highway
Department has restored one of these towers and a part of the outer
wall. The old Mission, San Saba de la Cruz, across and down the river
from this presidio, disappeared along with its administering priests during
the great Comanche attack against the Spaniards and their Apache
allies, back in 1758, or thereabout.</p>
<p>The preservation of the existing buildings of Fort Concho, and the
restoration of the destroyed ones, were begun in 1930 by Mrs. Ginevra
Wood Carson, a gracious and far-sighted lady of San Angelo. She had
already started the West Texas Museum in about 1928, and it was located
in the new Tom Green County Court House, where it soon outgrew
its housing facilities She therefore turned her attention towards
the old Fort. The original Administration or G.H.Q. Building of Fort
Concho was privately owned but in excellent condition, and it stood at
the Eastern end of the old Quadrangle. Mr. R. Wilbur Brown, Sr. of San
Angelo recognized the far-sightedness of Mrs. Carson. He bought the
Administration Building from its owners and deeded it toward a museum
of pioneer days and the preservation of old Fort Concho.</p>
<p>Mrs. Carson then moved the museum collection from the Court
House into the Administration Building and changed the name of West
Texas Museum to Fort Concho Museum.</p>
<p>The history of Fort Concho since its abandonment in 1889, when
the garrison lowered the flag for the last time, and marched away, its
band playing “The Girl I Left Behind Me,” had not been spectacular.
It could easily have become a rock quarry, as had Lancaster, Mason
and others. Actually, some of the barracks buildings on the North Side
of the Quadrangle did suffer that inglorious fate. But the houses on
Officer’s Row, the Administration Building, Hospital and Chapel were,
for many years, the finest buildings in the surrounding area. In 1905,
the Concho Realty Company was formed by certain citizens of San
Angelo, and the fort grounds, with all the structures were bought by the
company from the Adams and Wickes Estate for $15,000.00. A real
estate addition was then organized and the various buildings sold to
private individuals.</p>
<p>The most elaborate of these had been the Post Hospital. It occupied
a position outside, and just off the Southeast corner of the Quadrangle.
This building burned in 1910, and some years later its remaining stone
<span class="pb" id="Page_39">39</span>
walls, partitions and chimneys were cleared away.</p>
<p>The Fort Concho Museum Board, a group of citizens, works to purchase,
preserve and restore the buildings of the Fort, and collect the
display items of interest that pertain to pioneer days in the Southwest.</p>
<p>Up to the present time the accomplishments of the Board have been
considerable. The items relating to pioneers have overflowed the Administration
Building. Further space has been gained for them by the
restoration of two Barracks Buildings and their Mess Halls on the North
side of the Quadrangle. The Powder House, once located on the banks
of the Concho River, has been removed and rebuilt, stone by stone, at
a position just North of the restored Barracks. The Post Chapel,
beautifully preserved, and a part of the Museum, stands at the Eastern
end of Officer’s Row. Six of the original nine Officer’s homes have been
bought by the Board with money contributed by individuals and from
small Museum revenues. The old Parade Ground, occupying the center
of the Quadrangle is marred and hidden from view by recent structures
on its Western end and a large 1907 school house now occupies its
center. A Comanche war-party (assuming one existed today, one bent
on the destruction of Fort Concho) would return baffled to its portable
village for the simple reason that the Indians, like any other visitors,
could not find Fort Concho, even though years back having been designated
a National Historic Landmark.</p>
<p>There are other fort buildings standing nearby that are owned
and used today as warehouses by different San Angelo firms. Their
beautiful stone is usually covered by applications of various colored
stucco, but you can still identify them by their alignments and shapes.</p>
<p>Some years back the Santa Fe Railroad presented the City with
one of its steam locomotives. This “Iron Horse” of bygone days is now
resting on its rails near one of the restored Barracks. It is a part of the
Museum, and is a valuable item; therefore, it is hoped that its longevity
against the ravages of rust will be secured by the erection of a suitable
structure over and around it.</p>
<p>Now take your time and browse through the Fort Concho Museum.
Drive through the City over streets that bear the names of Beauregard,
Mackenzie, Shafter, Grierson and Chadbourne. It is all worth it, because
without it, there would soon be little to show us of the comparative life
that existed in our Southwest only a few short years ago.</p>
<h2 id="c2"><span class="small">Footnotes</span></h2>
<div class="fnblock"><div class="fndef"><SPAN class="fn" id="fn_1" href="#fr_1">[1]</SPAN>Comancheros: Renegade Mexicans, half breeds and outlaw Americans who
lived in Mexican settlements in New Mexico, from whence they traveled in
small bands, usually by wagon or oxcart, to the Llano Estacado where they met
the Comanches, Kiowas or other Indians and traded guns, ammunition, whiskey
and other desirable items for the products of the raids. (Robert T. Neill, San
Angelo, Texas.)</div>
<div class="fndef"><SPAN class="fn" id="fn_2" href="#fr_2">[2]</SPAN>Perhaps this was Limpia Creek.—Dr. R. T. Hill.</div>
<div class="fndef"><SPAN class="fn" id="fn_3" href="#fr_3">[3]</SPAN>On June 19, 1865, Major General Gordon Granger, U.S.A., landed at Galveston
and issued a general order declaring that “in accordance with a proclamation
from the Executive of the United States, all slaves are free.”</div>
<div class="fndef"><SPAN class="fn" id="fn_4" href="#fr_4">[4]</SPAN>The Negro regiments on the Texas frontier during these Indian times were
the 9th and 10th Cavalry and the 24th and 25th Infantry.</div>
<div class="fndef"><SPAN class="fn" id="fn_5" href="#fr_5">[5]</SPAN>During the Civil War the cattle on the open Texas ranges increased many
fold with the loss by the Confederacy of control of the Mississippi River. After
that war they so far exceeded local demand that cattle drives on a much
larger scale than ever before attempted, got under way. The Chisholm and
Western Trails, “from anywhere in Texas,” on north through the western part
of the Indian Territory entrained cattle in Kansas for the Eastern feedlots. The
Goodnight-Loving Trail running west along the Middle Concho River, thence
north along the Pecos and on parallel to the Front Ranges, supplied cattle for
the new ranches being opened from New Mexico to the Canadian Border.</div>
<div class="fncont">Obviously the Comanche and Kiowa did not overlook this opportunity
for cattle rustling.</div>
<div class="fndef"><SPAN class="fn" id="fn_6" href="#fr_6">[6]</SPAN>Captain Lewis Johnson, 24th Infantry, related, “That was the year in which
I changed stations twice, marching from Fort Stockton all the way to Fort
Brown. On my way,—in March, 1872, I think, occurred an attack on a freight-train
at Howard’s Well. (Grierson Springs, Reagan County). It was a train
from San Antonio, intended for Fort Stockton.” Testimony before House Committee
on Military Affairs, 45th Congress, 2nd Session, Washington, D.C., Dec.
4, 1877.</div>
<div class="fndef"><SPAN class="fn" id="fn_7" href="#fr_7">[7]</SPAN>The Salt Creek Massacre took place near the town of Graham.</div>
<div class="fndef"><SPAN class="fn" id="fn_8" href="#fr_8">[8]</SPAN>When, at the Battle of the Little Big Horn in present Montana, June 25,
1876, General George A. Custer and his entire command were massacred by
the Sioux Indians, that command was composed of elements of the 7th United
States Cavalry. The massacre took place about three years after the 7th
marched into Fort Richardson. There is no evidence of Custer having been at
Richardson. At this time, he was probably somewhere on the Missouri River.</div>
<div class="fndef"><SPAN class="fn" id="fn_9" href="#fr_9">[9]</SPAN>This action was not a pursuit following a “fresh trail” into Mexico. It was a
carefully planned attack on Indian villages in that country, the locations of
which had been accurately ascertained beforehand.</div>
<div class="fncont">Later on, during 1876 and 1877, Lt. John L. Bullis acting under the command
of Colonel Shafter, conducted six such raids into Mexico, all on the
upper Rio Grande from Laredo to points southwest of the mouth of the Pecos
River. Bullis was a very brave and competent soldier and was awarded a
sword by the Texas Legislature. Camp Bullis, near San Antonio, was named
for him in 1917.</div>
<div class="fndef"><SPAN class="fn" id="fn_10" href="#fr_10">[10]</SPAN>A regiment of cavalry on the Texas frontier after the Civil War could, at
maximum strength, muster about 929 men. A company of maximum strength
could muster about 90 men.</div>
<div class="fncont">A regiment of infantry varied in number more than a similar cavalry unit,
and was smaller, mustering generally about 460 men, while a company varied
from 25 or 30 men, on up to 60 or 65 men.</div>
<div class="fndef"><SPAN class="fn" id="fn_11" href="#fr_11">[11]</SPAN>“A large trade has sprung up in Western Texas in cattle, which are driven
up into Kansas to the railroad at or near Fort Dodge. They go up by what is
termed the Pan Handle of Texas—. Fort Elliott is established there for the purpose
of aiding cattle merchants who buy cattle in Texas and drive them up to
the railroad; and thence the cattle are taken to Ohio or Illinois and fed until
spring, when they are sent East. The trade amounts to two or three hundred
thousand annually.” Statement of General W. T. Sherman, November 21, 1877,
before the Committee on Military Affairs, in relation to the Texas Border
Troubles, House of Representatives, 45th Congress, 2d Session.</div>
</div>
<div class="fig"> id="map1"> <ANTIMG src="images/map1_lr.jpg" alt="" width-obs="1000" height-obs="888" /> <p class="pcap">The Federal Forts In Texas During the Indian Era, 1845-1889</p> <p class="center"><SPAN class="ab1" href="images/map1_hr.jpg">High-resolution Map</SPAN></p> </div>
<div class="fig"> id="map2"> <ANTIMG src="images/map_lr.jpg" alt="" width-obs="1000" height-obs="847" /> <p class="pcap">Texas, 1856</p> <p class="center"><SPAN class="ab1" href="images/map_hr.jpg">High-resolution Map</SPAN></p> </div>
<div class="fig">> <ANTIMG src="images/p20.jpg" alt="Fort Concho" width-obs="500" height-obs="758" /></div>
<h2>Transcriber’s Notes</h2>
<ul>
<li>Silently corrected a few typos.</li>
<li>Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook is public-domain in the country of publication.</li>
<li>In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by _underscores_.</li>
</ul>
<SPAN name="endofbook"></SPAN>
<div style="break-after:column;"></div><br />